Freedom to Stay, Freedom to Move: An Interview with Harsha Walia

Photograph by Sameer Al-Doumy

(From Roarmag magazine online and the 2021, 11th paper issue of Roar Magazine)

To create a world where we all have a home, we have to dismantle the border regime — not just borders, but all bordering, all ordering and all exploitative regimes.

Harsha Walia has been involved in anti-colonial and anti-capitalist migrant justice movements for the past two decades. Her first book, Undoing Border Imperialism, offered a movement analysis of the foundational connections between migration, borders and imperialism, with insights into the grassroots organizing her work comes out of. Building on this, her latest work, Border and Rule offers a crucial resource for going beyond nation-based thinking about border regimes around the world and building an internationalist movement for their abolition.

In Border and Rule, Walia avoids comparisons of one border regime or another as “worse” or “better,” focusing on how borders are consistently a “method of capital” involved in seizing and holding territory and in the segmentation of the working class. Capitalism has always depended on the racialized ordering of social groups and the restriction of pools of labor. Border regimes are the institutional form of a racist logic that sees certain lives as more or less valuable, more or less disposable.

She shows how both right-wing and liberal perspectives converge on the idea that we are living through a “migration crisis,” only differing on whether they see this as more of a threat or a tragedy. Rejecting this crisis image as inaccurate and alarmist, Walia frames the current situation as a crisis of displacement and immobility. The true crisis is around why people move — dispossession, war and spiraling ecological destruction — and the mechanisms designed to then keep them out of sight and out of mind.

Grounded in her own experiences in solidarity struggles and the dedicated study of an array of radical thinkers and movements, Border and Rule helps us to grasp the deep links between forms of violence that are too often thought of as separated from each other: the connections between borders and racial citizenship, settler colonialism, imperialism, patriarchy and environmental destruction.

The book pushes for a no border politics that involves imagining and fighting for a genuine alternative to the world in its current shape. This means creating alternatives not only to the besieged visions of the right wing, but also to the already murderous and profitable border regimes as developed under neoliberalism. We need to build confident movements and organizations with the ambition of radically changing this world. Border and Rule is a challenging and aspirational work that urges us to aim for that kind of global solidarity and liberation, and it should be studied closely.

Liam Hough

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Forgotten Fighters: American Anarchist Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War

Patrick Read at Ambite, December 1927. Tamiment Library, NYU, 15th IB Photo Collection, Photo #11_0992.

From the The Volunteer, the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade website, an excellent article (30/08/2017), by Kenyon Zimmer, on North American volunteers in the Spanish Civil War/Revolution.

Among the almost 3,000 foreign anarchists who fought in the Spanish Civil War, more than one hundred came from the United States. Their story has been almost entirely overlooked.

Although much has been written on the Abraham Lincoln Battalion and the International Brigades (IB), one group of volunteer fighters in the Spanish Civil War has been almost entirely overlooked: the approximately 2,000-3,000 foreign anarchists who either joined Spanish militias or IB units. Of these, between 100 and 200 traveled to Spain from the United States, in many cases never to return. Their motives and experiences differed markedly from those of most other volunteers. They highlight the many-sided nature of the Spanish conflict as well as the transnational networks of the pre-World War II anarchist movement.

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A tour of the CNT positions during the Civil War

We share below an important text on the changing positions of the anarchist CNT labour union during the Spanish Civil War/Revolution, published at Alasbarricadas (11/12/2021) and published in English at Anarkismo.net (20/12/2021). [We have made only minor revisions to the text as it appears at Anarkismo.net]. The significance of the piece is that it takes us away from any simple reading of the Revolution, at least as it touched the anarchists, a reading that tends to treat the events as simply either tragedy (the CNT and the anarchists were crushed from without) or betrayal (the CNT forsook the Revolution for the war against Franco, thereby sealing their defeat). Both interpretations are in the end complementary and what they leave out is the complexity of the political-economic situation on the ground during the war, both within and outside the CNT. And this is a blindness that perpetuates an illusory notion of revolution, of revolution as an all or nothing affair, when it never was, whether in Spain or elsewhere.

The publication of the article at Alasbarricadas invited a response from Octavio Alberola (15/12/2021) which we share by way of closing our own introduction.

Indeed, as the comrades at Alasbaricads say in the introduction to this article, understanding the complexity of that period is not an easy task. But without looking for those responsible for the strategic changes of the CNT and the MLE during that period, what is verified is that from the attempt to implant libertarian communism, they went on to try to implant a kind of “corporate socialism”, as the author of the article says, with a clear tendency to centralisation and bureaucratisation. A practice that continued to predominate in the exiled CNT, despite “denying” those turns and “returning” to the “libertarian communist” line.

Now, although this drift was largely forced by the historical context of that moment (the war against fascism) and it cannot be known if it would not have occurred in another historical context, it seems to me that it shows -as a teaching for the present and future – the limitations and contradictions of conceiving the revolution as an act of force and not as a change of mentality.

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Travis Wilkerson: An Injury to One (film)

Frank Little

It may be said that the “working class”, in political struggles throughout the emergence and expansion of capitalism, was epochal.

We use the word here in its ancient Greek sense. The Greek word epokhe meant “stoppage, fixed point of time,” from epekhein “to pause, take up a position”. (etymological dictionary)

First in Europe, then in the Americas, Asia and Africa, the working classes, from the early 19th century to the mid-20th, would organise to defend themselves, rebel against, and endeavour to overthrow capitalist social relations in a myriad of different ways, as workers, and against being workers, thereby tearing away a social-political horizon that reduced them to wage slavery. They sought, in other words, to bring the machine of oppression and exploitation to a halt, assuming a position against it and beyond it.

One may question the means used and ends sought, for they were never homogeneous or consensual. But for roughly a century, working class revolt offered the promise of a world beyond capitalism through the destruction of Capital’s time, Capital’s history.

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Carlo Levi: A witness to freedom

… all history unfolds in every individual life. Of course this only happens when history does unfold, because it can also stop, or turn backward or spin emptily on its own axis like a mechanical top.

Carlo Levi, The Watch (1950)

To read Carlo Levi’s memoires and stories of Italy, of the peasants of Aliano, the village in Lucania (today, Basilicata) to which he would be banished between 1935-36 for anti-fascist activity, of Rome, Sicily and Sardinia, is to travel to worlds which no longer exist. And yet these works are not only beautiful and of extraordinary historical interest – which would be reason enough to read them; they carry within them ideas and notions which give them a resonance beyond their immediate setting and context, above all, that of post-war Italy.

The occasion for this post is the recent re-publication of Levi’s essay Fear of Freedom in Italy (2018) and France (2021), both preceded by an important introduction by Giorgio Agamben, which we share below in translation.

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Giorgio Agamben: Our task is to think, together

I believe that it is not certain that we can continue to do as we have done so far, that is, to fight or act in the name of principles and concepts such as democracy, the constitution, law, which perhaps we already knew, we long ago saw losing their meaning. So you can of course continue to wage battles in the name of our rights, but you can do it in a tactical way. Strategically, I think, it may be futile, in the sense that facing a government that ignores legality, it seems a bit vain to invoke human rights. And I repeat: what sense would it make to invoke rights to Hitler, Stalin or Mussolini? It doesn’t make sense, we should not try to counter those who have abandoned all legality with the talk about rights. We are facing a government that has abandoned all legality. If you don’t understand this, you don’t understand the situation we are in.

Giorgio Agamben, conference intervention, Turin, 08/12/2021

We share below an intervention by Giorgio Agamben to students of the University of Venice (21/11/2021).

We thank Lena Bloch for allowing us to post her transcript-translation of Agamben’s words, which appear here with minor revisions.

A revised and written version of the intervention by Agamben is available at Quodlibet. The translation that follows is not of this text.

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Lessons of the Covid mutual aid projects

Whatever may be the shortcomings of my study, it will make [any revolutionary who reads it] reflect on the necessity of bringing to the next revolution a set of constructive ideas (as well as destructive ones), of thinking them through carefully and pushing for their realisation with great vigour, and to reflect on the means at the people’s disposal to realise those ideas in society.

Peter Kropotkin, L’Idée révolutionnaire dans la Révolution

From Freedom Press, the urgency of thinking through the politics of mutual aid …

In the early days of the pandemic, Freedom put out a call to found mutual aid groups for helping people struggling under lockdown, which went spectacularly viral. Anna K, one of the original organisers of the phenomenon, reflects on lessons learned.

Back in April 2020, I offered five thoughts on the successes and failures of Covid Mutual Aid groups springing up nationwide:

  • Most ‘aid’ being offered was mostly a volunteer shopping service and didn’t challenge the state or capital.
  • Some groups were aiming beyond commodity exchange, with acts of direct economic redistribution, free provision of supplies and mobilising to resist evictions.
  • Even “shopping service” groups offered real material help to tens of thousands, many of whom were battling for their survival thanks to the crypto-eugenics of the government’s response.
  • Local mutual aid groups helped to build — at incredible speed — links of friendship and solidarity worn away by 40 years of racist neoliberalism.
  • We could push mutual aid groups in a liberatory direction by promoting democratic structures, connecting with other struggles and promoting forms of aid and solidarity beyond shopping.
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David Berry: Kropotkin’s Great French Revolution

From Robert Graham’s Anarchism Weblog, reflections on Peter Kropotkin’s newly published The Great French Revolution, by David Berry …

PM Press is publishing a new edition of Peter Kropotkin’s The Great French Revolution (originally published in 1909), with an introduction by David Berry, who has kindly agreed to let me publish the following excerpts from his introduction to Kropotkin’s classic book to mark Kropotkin’s birthday on December 21, 1842.

For Kropotkin, as for so many others throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the French Revolution was where it all began…

Kropotkin’s claim to originality in The Great French Revolution did not lie in the discovery of previously unknown facts—unable to re-enter France for fear of being arrested, his research was not carried out in the Paris archives, but on published material, almost entirely among the British Museum’s albeit considerable holdings. His originality lay in his method, his approach and in his interpretation. Kropotkin’s background in the natural sciences had an influence on the way he worked and wrote, and he prided himself on this.[1] Not only is his work thoroughly researched and based on evidence gleaned from all the most up-to-date studies, his style is also very different from and notably less lyrical and digressive than that of many nineteenth and early twentieth-century historians, including Jaurès. It is scholarly, but written lucidly, in accessible language and with passion.

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Toni Morrison: Racism and fascism

A recent article in The Guardian by the north american philosopher, Jason Stanley, offers an informed reading of the emerging fascism in the united states. If we do not embrace Stanley’s liberal politics, what this latter lacks is made up for by his own lucid urgency.

The article also takes us back to an equally or more important intervention against fascism by the writer Toni Morrison, which we share below.

If Morrison wrote first from her experience as a black american, her words describe and analyse fascism as a permanent political possibility in all modern states, for racism is structural to the latter.

It is not that the state is the sole source of violence in human life – such a vision would be a caricature of anarchism -, but what fascism is able to accomplish is the channelling of human fears into state forms, with all of the modern technologies of power at its disposal, to try to create the lethal illusion of human life, of human community purified of evil and death.   

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For bell hooks (1952-2021)

Part of the heart of anarchy is, dare to go against the grain of the conventional ways of thinking about our realities. Anarchists have always gone against the grain, and that’s been a place of hope.

bell hooks

bell hooks died this last December 15th, and for all that she contributed to critical theory, and beyond, as a writer, but also for what she engaged with as a witness to and “activist” against patriarchal, racist and capitalist violence, we celebrate her life and what will continue to resonate from it.

If her concerns and her ways of expression seem distant for some anarchists, perhaps the difficulty lies with the anarchists.

For bell hooks …

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