Tomás Ibáñez: Anarchisms at the crossroads

Redes Libertarias (06/06/2026)


Tomás Ibáñez’s essay, “Anarchism at the crossroads”, is an intervention in a debate in the Spanish anarchist milieu, but the controversy is neither uniquely Spanish nor novel.

What kind of organisation does anarchist politics call for? Must it have strategic or tactical goals, or both? How is it to be structured “internally”? What relationships should it have, if any, with other political organisations that share common ambitions, with people who have no organisational affiliation? Should the organisation in some way prefigure the “goals” of anarchism? Should such an organisation be bound to a particular “vision” of anarchism, should it heed to a binding ideology? Is a single anarchist organisation even desirable?

The questions, explicit and tacit, raised in the debate Ibáñez addresses are at the very heart of anarchism (and we could add, of the “socialist” tradition more broadly), and while he may not close it – he does not pretend to -, his intervention is important, perhaps even in ways that he has not expressed.

On this matter, we make our own the words of Herman Melville.

Oh, grassy glades! oh, ever vernal endless landscapes in the soul; in ye,—though long parched by the dead drought of the earthy life,—in ye, men yet may roll, like young horses in new morning clover; and for some few fleeting moments, feel the cool dew of the life immortal on them. Would to God these blessed calms would last. But the mingled, mingling threads of life are woven by warp and woof: calms crossed by storms, a storm for every calm. There is no steady unretracing progress in this life; we do not advance through fixed gradations, and at the last one pause:—through infancy’s unconscious spell, boyhood’s thoughtless faith, adolescence’ doubt (the common doom), then scepticism, then disbelief, resting at last in manhood’s pondering repose of If. But once gone through, we trace the round again; and are infants, boys, and men, and Ifs eternally. Where lies the final harbor, whence we unmoor no more? In what rapt ether sails the world, of which the weariest will never weary? Where is the foundling’s father hidden? Our souls are like those orphans whose unwedded mothers die in bearing them: the secret of our paternity lies in their grave, and we must there to learn it.

Moby Dick, 1851

Or in a language closer to “the movement”:

There is no, nor can there be, a theoretical “magic wand” that solves all the problems of current practice. There are no “scripts” of the movement that offer certainty, nor has there ever been a “science of workers’ organisation,” despite the fact that some have tried to elevate themselves as its high priests. There are attempts, trials, experiments, situated analyses, and concrete hypotheses.

José Luis Carretero, Transversales, nº 64, 2023

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Confessions of a communard: Meeting the people where they are

From Freedom News (09/07/2026)


Our strategy for 2027 has been about visible grassroots initiatives which announce our presence

Wren Albion

At the end of 2026 A Commune in the North (ACitN… pronounced “a kitten”) became the focus of a ‘Live Project’, where masters students from the School of Architecture at the University of Sheffield work with charities and community groups. The students helped us to stop worrying about how to get to 150-200 people, and focus on getting to the first 15. They made us think more seriously about our local engagement, which has also made us think more strategically about how we share anarchist principles in the place where we live.

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Forms of Attention

by Eli Zaretsky, Sidecar/New Left Review (12/06/2026)


In recent years the concept of attention has garnered considerable – well – attention. It has become, we are told, a commodity within the ‘attention economy’, a limited resource over which advertisers, social media companies, streaming services and the like struggle. Though the idea has become increasingly prominent in the age of the internet and smartphones, our interest can be traced back further. Especially since the 1960s, the hypertrophy of images and screens, taking place against the backdrop of an ever-expanding market, has been eroding, or at least transforming, our collective life – familial and communal relations, the natural and built environment, cultural production and reception. Today we are faced with a further leap in the form of AI. According to a recent article by the New York Times’s Ross Douthat, this heralds ‘an age of extinction’.

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Giorgio Agamben: A way out

Often, in the widespread awareness that we are living through the end of a culture, arises the demand—or the hope—for a new beginning, that is, that after the collapse of a long tradition, a new and more vibrant one will sooner or later come into being. Against this naive expectation, it is worth remembering that we do not need a new beginning, but a way out. Even assuming that a new beginning were possible, everything would then start anew as before, perhaps with different ideas and projects, but always within the framework of a historical epoch and a tradition somehow homogeneous with the previous one. After the collapse of Western history, the last thing we can desire is a new historical epoch; rather, we want to put an end to epochs once and for all, to leave forever and not simply begin again. Leave for what? We cannot say it, but this is good: our silence is more precious than the chatter about the features of an improbable future, which betrays its solidarity with the past by repeating stale formulas like “new or post- or transhumanism.” As the ape in [Franz Kafka’s] “A Report for an Academy”, who has become something radically different, says: “I didn’t want freedom, just a way out.”


Quodlibet, July 6, 2026

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Tariq Anwar: Without a future

iNO, No Future, Athens, Greece,  January 13, 2014

From Ficción de la razón (02/07/2026)


What can a world be that cannot imagine its own future? Far from being mere empty rhetoric, this question touches the very core of our condition. For what has been exhausted is not simply an era or a political paradigm, but the very capacity to project the future as a horizon of meaning. The devastation of the planet, the explosion of war and genocide, have placed our generation in an unprecedented position: that of passively awaiting a destruction that promises no redemption. And it is here that reflection must pause, not to lament, but to interrogate the structural feature of this suspension. The Latin word futurum originally designated what is to come, the future participle of esse with the nuance of a reality not yet present but charged with necessity. However, the Roman futurum does not coincide with the Christian expectatio nor with the avenir of secularized modernity. What has died in our time is not the future as such, but a particular way of relating to becoming: the one that, from messianic eschatology to enlightened progress, articulated waiting as a striving toward fulfilment. Today, on the contrary, we live under the domination of a time that no longer opens up, but rather prolongs itself in the mere persistence of what exists.

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Giorgio Agamben: Where are the just?

Jusepe de Ribera lo Spagnoletto, Saint James the Greater, 1631

Who are the just? What does it mean to be just? Certainly, it is not a quality of a subject, an attribute of this or that man, this or that woman. Justice—Benjamin wrote—is a state of the world, a dimension of being, not of will or intention. Things are just, Spinoza said, when you see them not in a certain time or place, but when you see them in God. That is why justice is something you can never possess, but only contemplate. And yet, when you see things as they are in God, the flower of that flower, the smile of that smile, the innocence of that innocent being, then you feel a demand from which you cannot escape, a demand that neither asks nor commands anything, but acts within you beyond all will or intention—it simply is, and there is nothing more to be done. I will never forget the words of a young woman who was part of a resistance organisation in a country occupied by the Nazis. She had been arrested and tortured, and she had not spoken. When she was released, her comrades wanted to celebrate her like a heroine, telling her that if she had managed to endure the torture it was because of the strength of her political convictions, her loyalty to the cause, and similar nonsense. But she shook her head and said only: no, I did it because I liked it, on a whim. She had seen justice, she had felt a demand that overwhelmed her on all sides, but she had not thought for a single instant about being just, about justice possibly belonging to her. If she had only believed in the just cause, but had not seen justice, she would have succumbed to the torture, she would have spoken.

That is why, according to Hebrew tradition, the righteous, the tzadikim, are hidden in the world, hidden above all from themselves. And that is why there is something paradoxical about wanting to reward the righteous, as if it were the other side of that justice which consists of punishing the guilty. Just as punishment can never originate from justice, but only from law, neither do reward and recognition belong to justice. The righteous person recognised and rewarded, the tzadik no longer hidden, is no longer righteous.

The mystery of law, that is, the mystery of guilt and punishment, should not be confused with the mystery of justice. Therefore, it is perhaps good that the guilty be punished, but it is not equally certain that the righteous should be rewarded. They go through the world unrecognized until the end of time, and only in this way, says the legend, do they save the world.

Quodlibet, July 3, 2026

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Herbert Read: The philosophy of anarchism (1940)

Ts’ui Chii said to Lao Tzu, “You say there must be no government. But it there is no government, how are men’s hearts to be improved?” “The last thing you should do,” said Lao Tzu, “is to tamper with men’s hearts. The heart of man is like a spring; if you press it down, it only springs up the higher…. It can be hot as the fiercest fire; cold as the hardest ice. So swift is it that in the space of a nod it can go twice to the end of the world and back again. In repose, it is quiet as the bed at a pool; in action, mysterious as Heaven. A wild steed that cannot be tethered — such is the heart of man.”

Chuang Tzu (Trans. Waley).

Liberty, morality, and the human dignity of man consist precisely in this, that he does good, not because it is commanded, but because he conceives it, wills it, and loves it.

Bakunin.

A perfect society is that which excludes all private property. Such was the primitive well being which was overturned by the sin of our first fathers.

St. Basil.

If beans and millet were as plentiful as fire and water, such a thing as a bad man would not exist among the people.

Mencius.

The characteristic political attitude of today is not one of positive belief, but of despair. Nobody seriously believes in the social philosophies of the immediate past. There are a few people, but a diminishing number, who still believe that Marxism, as an economic system, offer a a coherent alternative to capitalism, and socialism has, indeed, triumphed in one country. But it has not changed the servile nature of human bondage. Man is everywhere still in chains. The motive of his activity remains economic, and this economic motive inevitably leads to the social inequalities from which he had hoped to escape. In face of this double failure, of capitalism and of socialism, the desperation of the masses has taken shape as fascism — a revolutionary but wholly negative movement which aims at establishing a selfish organization of power within the general chaos. In this political wilderness most people are lost, and if they do not give way to despair, they resort to a private world of prayer. But others persist in believing that a new world could be built if only we would abandon the economic concepts upon which both socialism and capitalism are based. To realize that new world we must prefer the values of freedom and equality above all other values — above personal wealth, technical power and nationalism. In the past this view has been held by the world’s greatest seers, but their followers have been a numerically insignificant minority, especially in the political sphere, where their doctrine has been called anarchism. It may be a tactical mistake to try and restate the eternal truth under a name which is ambiguous — for what is “without ruler,” the literal meaning of the word, is not necessarily “without order,” the meaning often loosely ascribed to it. The sense of historical continuity, and a feeling for philosophical rectitude cannot, however, be compromised. Any vague or romantic associations which the word has acquired are incidental. The doctrine itself remains absolute and pure. There are thousands, if not millions, of people who instinctively hold these ideas, and who would accept the doctrine if it were made clear to them. A doctrine must be recognized by a common name. I know of no better name than Anarchism. In this essay I shall attempt to restate the fundamental principles of the political philosophy denoted by this name.

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Giorgio Agamben: Men and women, and tourists

Martin Parr, Italy, Tower of Pisa, 1990

The word tourist first appeared in Italian in 1837 (tourism only in 1907). The etymology is clear: the tour (the Grand Tour) was the educational journey undertaken by European aristocrats and intellectuals from the 18th century onward, especially in Italy, to learn about its art history, way of life, and culture. As is often the case, what was initially the domain of an elite has, over time, transformed into a mass phenomenon.

It is significant that its antecedent is certainly the pilgrimages that believers undertook to visit the sacred sites of their religion: tourists, like pilgrims, are also peregrini, that is, according to the meaning of the Latin term, strangers on earth. Tourism is the sign of an epochal shift in the relationship between people and the land they inhabit: wherever they are, they are strangers, outsiders (extra), above all in the very city where they live. I vividly recall the astonishment I felt, many years ago, when I lived in Venice, upon realising that it was no longer possible to distinguish Venetians from tourists.

However, it is not only the bond between citizens and their city that has changed: the city itself has also been transformed. People have become tourists, that is, strangers, to the same extent that the land they inhabit (or rather, once inhabited) is now foreign and a land of pilgrimage. If one reads, as I have recently, Joseph Roth’s extraordinary description of Marseille in the autumn of 1925, with its dense, adventurous alleyways, where within a few square kilometers all eras of history thronged alive and no one was a stranger, it is difficult to escape the bitter, implacable realisation that cities today no longer exist: tourism has been able to destroy them because they had already ceased to be alive. Overtourism doesn’t come from outside; it began within us, within the neighborhoods and familiar communities we are no longer able to inhabit. To inhabit is an intensive form of the verb “to have” (habeo) and signifies a certain way of dwelling and living, of having habits and customs. And if ethos in Greek designates the habitual dwelling, then dwelling is the primordial form of ethics. Having become tourists, having lost the capacity to inhabit, being everywhere pilgrims and strangers, compels us to reimagine a possible ethics, to reinvent from top to bottom the capacity to inhabit. Certainly not an easy task, but one that perhaps offers us the only way out of tourism, to make our land and our cities habitable again.


Quodlibet, July 1, 2026

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Is Fascism Winning in France? Interview with Ugo Palheta

From the Verso Books Blog (25/06/2026)


Following his book Why Fascism Is on the Rise in France: From Macron to Le Pen, Ugo Palheta sits down with Rob Grams to discuss the societal conditions of fascism, the role of neoliberalism in the rise of the far-right and what to do about it.


In this interview first published on Frustration, Ugo Palheta and author Rob Grams discuss Palheta’s definition of fascism, the process of fascisation underway in France and the tactics of the Rassemblement National. 

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What is fascism?

RG: How do you define fascism?

UP: It’s a difficult question that has drawn a lot of different responses by historians, especially around a rather specific debate that is always interesting to revisit: was there a French fascism? Was the Vichy regime fascist? Many French historians have long stuck to a rather strange theory, sometimes referred to as ‘French immunity’, claiming that there was a ‘French allergy’ to fascism, and France was somehow protected from fascism by its republican values and institutions. Today, this is obviously not all that convincing, given the extensive work of foreign historians on Vichy, on the far-right leagues of the 1930s, and on the very origins of fascism. For instance, Zeev Sternhell studied pre-fascism and the fascist intellectual synthesis, which he shows to have originated in France at the end of the nineteenth century.

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The utopian dimension

Paul Signac. Au temps d’harmonie: L’Âge d’or n’est pas dans le passé, il est dans l’avenir (reprise)
[In the Time of Harmony: The Golden Age Has Not Passed, It Is Still to Come (Reprise)], 1896

Miquel Amorós

Redes Libertárias, nº 5, Spring 2026/online 23/06/2026

It is often said that Anarchists live in a world of dreams to come, and do not see the things which happen today. We do see them only too well, and in their true colours, and that is what makes us carry the hatchet into the forest of prejudice that besets us.

Peter Kropotkin, Anarchism: its philosophy and ideal (1898)

1. The Dream of a Harmonious Society

Utopia is a specific way of imagining social activity that is opposed to the prevailing reality and, therefore, radically critical. It is not merely a happy vision of a blissful way of life presented as an ideal. Utopian, said Herbert Marcuse, “is everything that the power of the dominant societies forbids from coming to light.” Karl Mannheim, in his influential work Ideology and Utopia, considered utopian any thought that questioned the established order and incited revolt. Thus, only “those orientations transcending reality will be referred to by us as Utopian which, when they pass over into conduct, tend to shatter, either partially or wholly, the order of things prevailing at the time.” Utopias manifest the aspirations, ideals, and value systems of great social movements; they are, therefore, coherent and structured global visions of the world, and they represent the profound needs of an era. From 1750 onward, with the publication of The Year 2440: A Dream if Ever There was One by the quarrelsome Enlightenment thinker Louis Sébastien Mercier, utopias ceased to be non-places, impossible imaginaries, since they did occur, only in centuries to come. In this sense, we prefer to speak of an ideal, or simply an “idea,” as the Spanish anarchists did. We would add that when the subjective and objective conditions for the realisation of a free society are not favourable, when the material and intellectual forces capable of achieving profound social change are not present in sufficient magnitude, when no credible revolutionary project is immediately achievable, the radical negation of the existing order acquires utopian connotations. The utopian or romantic dimension of critical thought—the aforementioned ideal, anarchy—saves rebels from defeatism, transferring the desire for a life without constraints to the realm of imagination and dreams, awaiting the opportune moment for its realization. The utopian climate liberates from demotivation, since it maintains the yearning for a perfect society and sets in motion the will for change. In the libertarian case, more than in any other, utopia is nothing more than a propaganda tool to showcase expectations of future emancipation with which to mobilise the suffering masses. Far from being an escape from history into fantasy, “it is the truth of tomorrow,” in the words of Victor Hugo, something within reach, pure anticipation. The libertarian utopia, in its eagerness to demonstrate the capacity of men and women today to live rationally in community, without laws or regulations, without bosses or property, is part of the social struggle: it reflects the egalitarian and fraternal aspirations of the most radical factions of the oppressed classes. As an achievable ideal, it is a program.

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