South Africa: We Carry a New World in Our Riots

From the CrimethInc. collective (13/08/2021), reflections on the looting and unrest of July 2021 in south africa …

Beginning on July 9, 2021, when the Pietermaritzburg High Court upheld the conviction and sentencing of former South African president Jacob Zuma, looting and unrest broke out in two provinces in South Africa for nine days. The unrest has been attributed to a power struggle between factions of the ruling class and to anger about the handling of the COVID-19 pandemic; it has been associated with fears of ethnic violence. What’s certain, at least, is that it was a response to widespread poverty and desperation. The following reflections appear in dialogue with this assessment of the events by Abahlai baseMjondolo, a landless people’s movement based in direct democracy. We encourage you to read the aforementioned assessment and the following text together in order to arrive at a more nuanced understanding of the questions at play.


The following text is a contribution to the ongoing dialogue concerning the most incendiary wave of revolt to hit South Africa since the official end of apartheid. The author is a South African currently living in Spain who has collaborated with members of the landless people’s association Abahlai baseMjondolo in Cape Town, is the producer of the (now moribund) Love Letters Journal, and has previously collaborated on the South Africa section of Dialectical Delinquents.

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Brazil: Only Revolt Can Bring Down Bolsonaro

From the CrimethInc. collective (12/08/2021) …

Ahead of the 2022 elections, Brazil is now reprising the same dramatic showdown that the United States faced in 2020. As the pandemic intensifies alongside corruption scandals and the unrestrained plundering of Indigenous lands, Jair Bolsonaro’s government faces pressure from the streets and the left wing of the state. But what will it take to unseat him and break out of the patterns that brought him to power?

The parallels between Brazil and the United States run deep. Both are settler colonial states founded on slavery. The United States has largely completed its frontier phase, while Brazil continues to expand extraction efforts into Indigenous territories. In both cases, the state has become a battleground between the far right, represented by Donald Trump and Bolsonaro, and a centrist technocracy seeking to transition to a slightly more “sustainable” and “inclusive” form of capitalism. Globally speaking, these represent competing models regarding how to preserve capitalism in the face of climate change and global economic crisis—barefaced violence versus the likes of the “Green New Deal.” Though Trump narrowly failed to hold on to power in 2020, it is entirely possible that the struggle in Brazil could turn out differently, setting a precedent for the spread of fascism in the 21st century.

Of course, neither of these models points the way out of the current nightmare of exploitation and police violence. If we want to have any hope of changing the world for the better, we have to build social movements outside the logic of reaction and reform. Had there not been four years of intense grassroots struggles under Trump, he would likely have succeeded in holding onto power one way or another—and if those struggles do not continue under Biden and whoever succeeds Bolsonaro, far-right politicians will once again be able to present themselves as the only alternative to the status quo.

In the following report, Brazilian anarchists frame the government’s genocidal approach to COVID-19 in the context of a legacy of military rule, explore the latest wave of combative protests, and show how the institutional left functions as the first line of defense to preserve the existing order. They make the case that the conditions they face can only be fundamentally changed by means of autonomous organization and revolt.

An earlier version of this text appeared in Portuguese here.

Anti-fascists in Belo Horizonte blockade the street in front of a burning barricade.
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Jacques Rancière: “The issue is to manage to maintain dissensus”

Jacques Rancière (Fotography by Lana Lichtenstein)

Interview with philosopher Jacques Rancière on the Covid-19 crisis, contemporary political upheavals the experience of art and film over the past year, and social media. [From the Verso Books Blog].

We met Jacques Rancière at his home in Paris with some tenacious questions in mind. Throughout his life, this thinker of workers’ emancipation, deeply attached to the idea of equality, has deconstructed authority figures and the haughtiness of the ‘knowers’. How, from this theoretical basis, does the philosopher view a historical sequence in which, under the effect of a virus, the words of experts stifle all others and cast precarious lives back into silence? How does the author of major works such as The Ignorant Schoolmaster (1987), Hatred of Democracy (2005) or The Emancipated Spectator (2008) see this radical repression of emancipation and dissent – a precondition for democratic debate and political action? In Les Mots et le Torts, a dialogue with the young Spanish philosopher Javier Bassas that has just been published, Althusser’s former student explains how he has always searched in his writing to ‘oppose to the identifications and distinctions of inegalitarian thinking a world of equality without borders’. It is an understatement to say that today the world of equality is faltering and that a handful of intellectuals and politicians have gained the upper hand in the war of words. From barricades to ‘safety measures’, Rancière X-rays the present time, seeking the possibilities of a new political moment.

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A moss-like anarchist manifesto

A legend tells us that Christian soldiers took the city of Béjar in spain from its Muslim-Arab inhabitants in the 12th century by disguising themselves with coverings of moss, enabling them thereby to enter the city gates by surprise.[1]

Our task is more modest, sharing only transgressive affinities with the legend.[2] Though we are sceptical of manifestos, they can nevertheless serve to distil images and thoughts. These of course can only be the consequence of momentary inspirations.

What follows finds its animus in an essay by bryologist Robin Wall Kimmerer, entitled Gathering Moss, passages of which we also share below.[3] From moss then we gather a few ideas on what a contemporary anarchist politics might be.

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Tunisia: “We ourselves don’t have a people”

From lundi matin #299, 09/08/2021 …

On July 25th, in the evening of a day of demonstrations, Tunisian President Kais Saied dismissed the prime minister, temporarily suspended parliament, lifted the immunity of its members and announced that he would take a number of decisions by decree, by resorting to article 80 of the Tunisian constitution (also very close to article 16 of the French constitution).

To justify this coup, it was necessary to mobilise the usual and hackneyed propaganda of “imminent peril”: young demonstrators from working-class neighborhoods would be paid by officials or opposing parties to take to the streets and sow disorder. No need to look for more details or precisions, the refrain is well known. It is a question of disqualifying the numerous protest movements of recent months, of denying those who demonstrate their own capacity to act and to evacuate all the demands and targets by crushing the debate under the generic question of corruption.

While the editorialists gloss over whether to speak of a coup and wonder what could remain of a “democratic transition”, we publish the translation of this short but luminous intervention by Nidhal Chamekh of July 28th.

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Thinking politics from Sergei Loznitsa’s “State Funeral”

A revolution’s most important works of art are the men produced by it. New fiery souls are seen to arise from the explosion of new life that cleaves the convulsed world, like anthems that fill the air with clamours of faith and whose echoes prolong themselves well beyond the disappearance of these men. In the future, they will become the inspiration and heroes of epic cantos and novels, which are the harvest of opulent summers for which the age of revolution will have been a pre-Spring.

Romain Rolland, “Preface” (1937), Nikolai Ostrovsky, How the Steel was Tempered (1936)

If Romain Rolland’s words hold true, to watch Sergey Loznitsa’s film, State Funeral, is to see in the women and men who mourn Stalin’s death not only the failure of the Bolshevik revolution as a “political act”, but the horror of the humanity created by the Bolshevik regime.

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Cuban Anarchists on the Protests of July 11

From the CrimethInc. Collective (22/07/2021) …

To explore the causes and implications of the wave of protests that broke out in Cuba on July 11, we present two interviews with Cuban anarchists and a statement from an anarchist initiative in Cuba.


Introduction: It’s Bigger than Cuba

We have heard a wide range of explanations for last week’s protests in Cuba. Right-wing proponents of capitalism blame the Cuban government, charging that the protests stem from the failures of one-party socialism. Self-proclaimed anti-imperialists blame the United States government, alleging that these protests indicate covert US intervention. Others blame US sanctions on Cuba, suggesting that these are chiefly to blame for creating the economic conditions that sparked the protests. Each of these narratives contains a grain of truth, but all fall short of grasping the whole.

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Walking away from an epidemic

Detail of Tsukioka Yoshitoshi’s 1892 artwork showing the samuari Minamoto no Tametomo resisting smallpox gods

Apocalypse (n.): late 14c., “revelation, disclosure,” from Church Latin apocalypsis “revelation,” from Greek apokalyptein “uncover, disclose, reveal,” from apo “off, away from” + kalyptein “to cover, conceal,” from PIE root *kel- “to cover, conceal, save.” The Christian end-of-the-world story is part of the revelation in John of Patmos’ book “Apokalypsis” (a title rendered into English as pocalipsis c. 1050, “Apocalypse” c. 1230, and “Revelation”  by Wyclif c. 1380). Its general sense in Middle English was “insight, vision; hallucination.” The meaning “a cataclysmic event” is modern (not in OED 2nd ed., 1989).

(Online Etymology Dictionary)

It is said by some that we live in apocalyptic times. Yet if this is so, it is not clear who is thereby able to see and what is being seen.

A british prime-minister declares the end of pandemic sanitary restrictions in public to be “Freedom Day”. (The Guardian) And not to be outdone, another european prime-minister, this time portugal’s, promises that “by the end of the summer, we may reach the moment of the total liberation of society”.  (Público)

“Freedom” is thus celebrated as the ability to consume without a mask, while the meaning of words like “freedom” is swept away by the slavery to what can be consumed.

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The politics of mutual aid

Kairos: A time when conditions are right for the accomplishment of a crucial action; the opportune and decisive moment. A time when conditions are right for the accomplishment of a crucial action; the opportune and decisive moment.

We share an eloquent text from the Mutual Aid Disaster Relief network (11/07/2021), in defence of mutual aid …

Kairos: A Mutual Aid Exodus From Empire

Starting in 2019/2020 and now continuing into the summer of 2021, global civil society is witnessing the biggest neoliberal disaster capitalist shock yet: COVID-19. Millions of people have been and continue to be killed by this unprecedented disaster. Like most  catastrophes, those historically oppressed and least responsible for this pandemic are nevertheless those most impacted. The death toll is comparable in magnitude of lives lost to another World War. 

Every age has it’s kairos, those moments of possibility where the fate of humanity and all life on the planet hangs on the smallest of threads. What we choose to do or not do in these moments of twilight has the greatest of consequences. The ancient Greeks had two words for time: chronos and kairosChronos was/is chronological or sequential time, while kairos signifies a moment of truth – the time for action – pregnant time. Similarly, crisis, in its etymology, is a turning point, a moment where there are multiple paths in front of us, and we must make choices on which path to walk. The Zapatistas, likewise, taught us about the crack in the wall:

“Most of the time the wall is a big marquee where “P-R-O-G-R-E-S-S” repeats over and over. But the Zapatista knows it’s a lie, that the wall was not always there. They know how it was erected, what its function is. They know its deception. And they also know how to destroy it.

They are not fazed by the wall’s supposed omnipotence and eternity. They know that both are false. But right now, the important thing is the crack, that it not close, that it expand.”

Breakdown, personal and collective, can lead to breakthrough. Hurricanes, fires, tornadoes, earthquakes, and pandemics cause untold suffering, devastation, and loss because of social and ecological conditions and our untenable relationships with other people and with the natural world. These extreme events unmask the disasters of social and economic inequality that existed previously. 

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Enzo Traverso: Readings and erasures of the past

The political violence of the 1970s was part of a political era that concluded with a defeat of the Left, of the workers’ movement, of alternative movements. This defeat has never been processed. Rather, this past has been repressed. At three decades’ distance, the congress at which the Italian Communist Party decided to change its name does not appear as its “Bad Godesberg” moment [the German Social Democrats’ formal abandonment of Marxism] but as an exorcism. We could call it “repression”, in the psychoanalytic sense. The Years of Lead have been swallowed up by this repression and they have entered into the world of journalistic story-telling (and incomplete or unexplored archives) rather than our historical consciousness.

The words are Enzo Traverso and they are part of a commentary on the recent arrests by french authorities of italian leftist militants exiled in the country since the late 1970s (in “operation red shadows“), proffered in an interview with him by Andrea Brazzoduro and published by Zapruder (07/05/2021), and in an English translation by the Verso Books Blog.

We share the interview here because what Traverso speaks of concerns not only italy’s past, but also more generally, the manner in which the history of the “left”, of anti-capitalist politics, is erased in an active “politics of memory”.

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