By Rezgar Akrawi, from libcom.org (10/04/2026)
The Death Penalty for Terrorists Law was formally passed on 30 March 2026, with a 62–48 vote. Israel’s National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, during a session of the Knesset’s National Security Committee. He and other members of his far-right Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party arrived wearing yellow noose-shaped lapel pins to signal their commitment to a controversial bill they were spearheading.
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From Unicorn Riot, by Camilla Donzelli (02/04/2026)
Athens, Greece — On March 14, more than 4,000 people joined a march organized by the Community of Squatted Prosfygika, a historic occupation in Athens now facing an eviction threat due to a regional “regeneration and development” plan. The protest unfolded amid growing mobilization, as community member Aristotelis Chantzis continues a hunger strike aimed at forcing authorities to take a clear position on the future of the area and its residents.
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One cannot understand our culture’s conception of the human being unless one remembers that at its foundation lies a man without a childhood: Adam. According to the account in Genesis, the man whom the Lord creates and places in the Garden of Eden is an adult, to whom He speaks and gives commands, and for whom He creates a companion so that he might not be alone. And only an adult, and certainly not an infant, could give a name to all the animals in the garden.
It is hardly surprising that a being without a childhood cannot remain innocent and is fatally destined for guilt and sin. Perhaps the pessimism that condemns the Christian West to constantly postpone happiness and fulfilment to the future stems from this singular deficiency, which makes Adam a being constitutionally devoid of childhood. And it is perhaps because of this lack, more fundamental than any sin, that, on the one hand, childhood is for each of us the place of nostalgia for impossible happiness and, on the other, within social organisation, a defective condition that must be disciplined and trained at all costs. And if psychoanalysis sees in the child the hidden subject of every neurosis, this is perhaps precisely because the Adamic paradigm of a man without childhood is at work within us somewhere.
This means that the recovery from the illness of the West – that is, of an adult culture which, by repressing childhood, ends up condemning itself to childishness – will only be possible if we are able to restore Adam’s childhood.
Quodlibet, April 13, 2026
by Gianfranco Sanguinetti
We share below a new translation of “An Orgasm of History: 1977 in Italy,” a text Gianfranco Sanguinetti wrote in 2017, on the 40th anniversary of the 1977 insurrectionary movement in Italy, about which little is known in the English-speaking world. This text can also serve as a short autobiography of its author.
We thank the notbored.org collective for sharing this text and their excellent work of gathering together and translating Situationist writings.
An Orgasm of History: 1977 in Italy – Digression on the Thread of Memory by a former Situationist1
They think I’m severe? I know I am, I force them to think.
Vittorio Alfieri, Epigrams, 1783
The catastrophe of the ideologies.
There were two 1977s in Italy, one of which was nothing more than the final gasp, the death rattle of the illusions, lies and crimes of which the pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese bureaucracies and their local followers were the bearers and the beneficiaries, still constituting the dead weight and false consciousness of the purportedly extremist groups that arose from the ashes of 1968.
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by Yavor Tarinski
We become epigones or spectators, but epigones or spectators of our very own potential-to-be.
Paolo Virno[1]
Within bureaucratic settings time seems to simultaneously rush and stay frozen – an endless cycle of past-presentism that shrinks leisure and creativity, producing a feeling of déjà vu and futurelessness. It is a condition that withers imagination and makes life miserable. It conditions us to simply observe our future, rather than allow us to inhabit and actively shape it. To alter this we first must obtain an understanding of why we tend to experience our present as stagnant and the structural architecture that corrodes our ability to imagine beyond the horizon of what currently exists.
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I want to try to urge you to think about the historical system of slavery and the prison, the institution of the prison together. And specifically, I want us to think about the extent to which the vast global apparatus of imprisonment and particularly corporate involvement in the business of punishment, that these developments are related to what I would call the sedimented history of slavery we are living out today. In other words, slavery has not yet been completely abolished.
Angela Davis, (September 19, 2003: 5th Annual Eric Williams Memorial Lecture at Florida International University; Title: “Slavery and the Prison Industrial Complex”)
In the next revolution we hope that this cry will go forth:
“Burn the guillotine; demolish the prisons; drive away the judges, policemen and informers — the impurest race upon the face of the earth; treat as a brother the man who has been led by passion to do ill to his fellow; above all take from the ignoble products of middle-class idleness the possibility of displaying their vices in attractive colours; and be sure that but few crimes will mar our society.”
The main supports of crime are idleness, law and authority; laws about property, about government, laws about penalties and misdemeanours; and authority, which takes upon itself to manufacture these laws and to apply them.
No more laws! No more judges! Liberty, equality, and practical human sympathy are the only effectual barriers we can oppose to the anti-social instincts of certain amongst us.
Peter Kropotkin, “Law and Authority”, 1886, The Anarchist Library
The 2025 documentary film The Alabama Solution, directed by directed by Andrew Jarecki and Charlotte Kaufman, is a journey into the carceral heart of darkness of U.S. society. Giving voice to prisoners and deeply courageous prison activists (notably, Bennu Hannibal Ra-Sun (Melvin Ray), Ricardo (Raoul) Poole, and Kinetik Justice Amun (Robert Earl Council)), the film peels away the thin veneer of any redemptive justification for the Alabama state prison system, revealing it as a particularly violent example of the “prison-industrial complex” of the country, but by no means alone (80 billion dollars a year is spent on prisons and jails, with nearly 2 million people incarcerated, in the US), and by no means exclusive to the United States, even if carceral systems reflect particular histories and societies.
The Alabama Solution is a study in modern slavery and if the only acceptable response to slavery is to demand and act for its abolition, then the abolition of such prisons is the only possible moral and political response to these institutions.
What the film so starkly and painfully shows is that prison institutions are not peripheral to the society, nor are its incarcerated “criminals” merely disposable.
On the contrary, the prison is a defining institution in the production and reproduction of social relations: it serves to generate and reinforce authoritarian state power, indeed, the state as such and its domestic or internal sovereignty, securing “law and order” against the racialised and subaltern “wretched” of society, and very blatantly, in the context of the USA, using the prison population as slave labour (as permitted by the 13th Amendment of the country’s constitution), and beyond this country, through incarceration, torture and murder, governing by and through fear.
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From lundimatin #513 (23/03/2026)
The network society connects everything it can. As a result, it tends to exclude class struggles. A number of us oppose this – in practical terms.[1]
2- Relays and Grumeaux
In the network society, homes are junctions, hubs – no longer dwellings, havens. They are criss-crossed on all sides by information network lines and are essentially sources of data, rather than retreats from the world sheltered from digital society. Moreover, they force residents to define their boundaries every day. They even compel them to tour their own fragments to reconstruct a reality that is desperately absent, to become tourists in their own homes in order to feel as though they are living there. From this point on, residents consciously conform to the norms of connectivity.
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“At the root of everything I write, … is tragedy. One must never forget that Accidental Death involves a man who has been thrown out of a window, and that Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay! hinges on a man who is starving. You must always be aware of this reality. The laughter is simply a means of making the audience confront the problem.”
Dario Fo, quoted in The Guardian (24/03/2026)
Dario Fo would have been a hundred years old today, ten years after his death. Yet, his legacy, his art, remains as young as ever.
For Dario …
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From The Transmetropolitan Review (18/03/2026)
In the interests of fostering physical media, the text of ‘Colonization’ is print only.
A decade before Vladimir Lenin wrote his Imperialism and years before Rosa Luxemburg wrote her Accumulation of Capital, an Italian anarchist named Antonio Calavazzi wrote a short article titled ‘Colonization,’ first published in the Cronaca Sovversiva anarchist newspaper in 1906. Taking up less than a single page, this article was actually just one of many Italian anarchist texts dealing with colonialism, and unlike their English-speaking counterparts, the Italians had been critiquing colonization for a decade, starting with the First Italo-Ethiopian War of 1895.
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Élisée Reclus: To My Brother the Peasant
In 1873, Reclus wrote an article entitled “Quelques mots sur la propriété” for L’Almanach du peuple. He later revised and expanded it, publishing it as a pamphlet under the title A mon frère le paysan (1899). In his “Biographie d’Elisée Reclus” in Les Frères Elie et Elisée Reclus (Paris: Les Amis d’Elisée Reclus, 1964), Paul Reclus writes that “it was translated into a dozen European languages, even including two dialects of Breton”. While this small work is a classic of anarchist propaganda and possesses all the rhetorical qualities appropriate to the genre, it is also of interest for its comments on the relationship between capitalism and technological rationality.
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