Peter Gelderloos: There Is a Way Through This

From Surviving Leviathan with Peter Gelderloos (09/01/2025)


The Year Ahead in 2025

Peter Gelderloos

There is a way through this. But we have to remember who actually cares for us, and who is responsible, who we can trust, and who is trying to profit off of false solutions.

. . .

We are hurting. We are afraid. Some are finally realizing, the apocalypse is here, and it’s coming for us.

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A Nomos of the Stateless

Fernand Cormon, Cain flying before Jehovah’s Curse

The article that we publish below was generously shared with us by its author, Noah Brehmer, having been previously published with the Blind Field journal (31/12/2024). It is a reflection on Palestinian resistance as a challenge to territorial sovereignty.


The Palestinian resistance will forever usurp the colonizers’ image of an exiled, maimed, brutalized, undead Palestinian people. Every time a prison wall is breached, a new form of life is inscribed onto the political scene: “seizing the moment to roam without limits.” However temporary these image-moments, and however spectacular the scale of the catastrophe waged upon territories to erase them, the potentials for a relation to the earth beyond those offered by the modern political order’s laws, territories, and nation-states, will be persistently planted.

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In lieu of New Year’s Eve Wishes

Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times

Kurt Vonnegut’s 1988 Letter to the Future

Ladies & Gentlemen of A.D. 2088:

It has been suggested that you might welcome words of wisdom from the past, and that several of us in the twentieth century should send you some. Do you know this advice from Polonius in Shakespeare’s Hamlet: ‘This above all: to thine own self be true’? Or what about these instructions from St. John the Divine: ‘Fear God, and give glory to Him; for the hour of His judgment has come’? The best advice from my own era for you or for just about anybody anytime, I guess, is a prayer first used by alcoholics who hoped to never take a drink again: ‘God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, courage to change the things I can, and wisdom to know the difference.’

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Gaza as extermination camp

Part of our existence lies in the feelings of those near to us. This is why the experience of someone who has lived for days during which man was merely a thing in the eyes of man is non-human.

Primo Levi, If This is a Man

I know.
I know and you know, we knew,
we did not know, we
were there, after all, and not there.

Paul Celan, So Many Constellations (1963)

The paradoxical status of the camp as a space of exception must be considered. The camp is a
piece of land placed outside the normal juridical order, but it is nevertheless not simply an external space. What is excluded in the camp is, according to the etymological sense of the term “exception” (
ex-capere), taken outside, included through its own exclusion. But what is first of all taken into the juridical order is the state of exception itself. Insofar as the state of exception is “willed,” it inaugurates a new juridico-political paradigm in which the norm becomes indistinguishable from the exception. The camp is thus the structure in which the state of exception – the possibility of deciding on which founds sovereign power – is realized normally. The sovereign no longer limits himself, as he did in the spirit of the Weimar constitution, to deciding on the exception on the basis of recognizing a given factual situation (danger to public safety): laying bare the inner structure of the ban that characterizes his power, he now de facto produces the situation as a consequence of his decision on the exception. This is why in the camp the quaestio iuris is, if we look carefully, no longer strictly distinguishable from the quaestio facti, and in this sense every question concerning the legality or illegality of what happened there simply makes no sense. The camp is a hybrid of law and fact in which the two terms have become indistinguishable.

Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (1995)

You see, the world has a choice, because surplus populations like the Palestinians, like refugees crossing the Mediterranean, like the poor people in the favelas and in the inner-city slums, these will either be dealt with through a genocidal project, as Israel has dealt with the Palestinians in Gaza — and this kind of response or this kind of template will become part of the military doctrine that is taught to armies across the world in dealing with these surplus populations.

Dr. Ghassan Abu-Sittah (in interview for Democracy Now news service – 30/12/2024)


Gaza has been described as an open air prison, a concentration camp, compared to a Nazi Jewish ghetto; it is today a death camp.

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Guy Debord: Between theory and practice

The strength and the weakness of the real anarchist struggle resides in its viewing the goal of proletarian revolution as immediately present (the pretensions of anarchism in its individualist variants have always been laughable). From the historical thought of modern class struggles collectivist anarchism retains only the conclusion, and its exclusive insistence on this conclusion is accompanied by deliberate contempt for method. Thus its critique of the political struggle has remained abstract, while its choice of economic struggle is affirmed only as a function of the illusion of a definitive solution brought about by one single blow on this terrain–on the day of the general strike or the insurrection. The anarchists have an ideal to realize. Anarchism remains a merely ideological negation of the State and of classes, namely of the social conditions of separate ideology. It is the ideology of pure liberty which equalizes everything and dismisses the very idea of historical evil. This viewpoint which fuses all partial desires has given anarchism the merit of representing the rejection of existing conditions in favor of the whole of life, and not of a privileged critical specialization; but this fusion is considered in the absolute, according to individual caprice, before its actual realization, thus condemning anarchism to an incoherence too easily seen through. Anarchism has merely to repeat and to replay the same simple, total conclusion in every single struggle, because this first conclusion was from the beginning identified with the entire outcome of the movement. Thus Bakunin could write in 1873, when he left the Federation Jurassiene: “During the past nine years, more ideas have been developed within the International than would be needed to save the world, if ideas alone could save it, and I challenge anyone to invent a new one. It is no longer the time for ideas, but for facts and acts.” There is no doubt that this conception retains an element of the historical thought of the proletariat, the certainty that ideas must become practice, but it leaves the historical terrain by assuming that the adequate forms for this passage to practice have already been found and will never change.

Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle (1967)


On this day, Guy Debord’s birthday, we publish a translation of one of his least known but most important texts (in translation), the “Report to the 7th Conference of the SI” (July 1966), generously shared with us by the Not Bored! collective.

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Duane Rousselle: Georges Bataille’s Post-anarchism

Pushing against the limits of anarchism, with George Bataille, as read by Duane Rousselle.

[Source: The Anarchist Library]


Abstract

Post-anarchist philosophy has widely been regarded as an attempt to challenge the ontological essentialism of the traditional anarchist discourse. The problem for the post-anarchists is that by focusing exclusively on the critique of ontological essentialism and universalism inherent in the ideology of traditional anarchism, post-anarchists have demonstrated that they are unable to envision a response to meta-ethical questions that occur outside of the universalism/relativism pair. As a result most post-anarchists have retreated into an epistemological defence of relativism. In keeping with the ethical trajectory of post-anarchist philosophy, post-anarchists could stand to benefit by responding nihilistically rather than relativistically to the epistemological problem of universalism. They could also take the ontological problematic of non-being to its limit by rejecting the subject as the locus of ethical agency. I shall aim to demonstrate that this latter position is correlative to the meta-ethical position of Georges Bataille.

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Negativity and positivity in anarchism: An inextricable but contradictory duality

Detail of “Bust of the Roman God Janus” (1569) © The New York Public Library

Tomás Ibáñez writes on the inherent (contradictory) duality of the anarchist imaginary and anarchist practice, from Redes Libertarias (05/12/2024).


When I opened the computer to start writing this text, I was tempted to title it: “In Fiery Praise of the Negativity of Anarchism”, since my purpose was precisely to reflect on this inescapable, and often undervalued, dimension of anarchism. However, I soon realised that this forced me to leave out much of what constitutes anarchism. In particular, the positive side of anarchism that also defines it was marginalised. So to remedy this unfortunate amputation, I had no choice but to undertake the elaboration of a second article, entitled this time: “Enthusiastic apology for the anarchist dream and its intermittent embodiments in reality”.

However, as my commitment was to submit a single article to Redes Libertarias, I finally opted to renounce this first title and to merge the two reflections into a single text. There would be no point in recounting this anecdote here, proper to the private sphere of the writer responsible for this article, and it is of no substantial interest, were it not for the fact that the decision to merge the two reflections has had the beneficial effect for me of putting the spotlight on the intrinsically dilemmatic character of anarchism itself. Indeed, from that decision I have come to perceive it as something cut from the same cloth as the two-faced deity called Janus in ancient Rome, endowed with two diametrically opposed but inseparably united faces.

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Simón Royo Hernández: The timeliness of anarchism

This work was performed in El Cabanyal, Valencia, Spain, by Santiago Sierra, 2012

From Redes Libertarias (15/11/2024)


When we look at what remains of the glorious and spectacular anarchist movement, the fullness of which we can situate between the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, sadness and nostalgia come over us, for it is no longer with us today. Those 100 years of anarchism saw the theoretical works of Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon or Malatesta, together with practical works such as the Paris Commune or the anarchist communities in the Spain’s civil war in Catalonia and Aragon. It is a pity that today there are no such thinkers and deeds as those, but it is precisely the anchoring of anarchism in those thinkers and deeds that prevents there being others like them today.

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Sacrificial Violence and Retribution

From the CrimethInc. Collective (23/12/2024)


In the following analysis, we explore the responses to two different extrajudicial killings as a way to understand the different forms of violence that are coming to the fore in our society right now. In the appendix, we offer an incomplete roundup of various responses to the shooting of Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare.

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Giorgio Agamben: Labour and life

From Quodlibet (24/12/2024).


One often hears the Italian Constitution praised because it has made work its foundation.[1] Yet not only the etymology of the term (labour designates an agonising punishment and suffering in Latin), but also its use as a sign of the concentration camps (“Work makes you free” was written on the gate of Auschwitz) should have warned against such a recklessly positive meaning. From the pages of Genesis, which present work as a punishment for Adam’s sin, to the oft-quoted passage in The German Ideology in which Marx announced that in communist society it would be possible, instead of working, “to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind “,[2] a healthy mistrust of work is an integral part of our cultural tradition.

There is, however, a more serious and profound reason that should advise against making work the foundation of a society. It comes from science, particularly physics, which defines work through the force that must be applied to a body in order to move it. To work thus defined, the second principle of thermodynamics necessarily applies. According to this principle, which is perhaps the supreme expression of the sublime pessimism attained by true science, energy tends fatally to degrade and entropy, which expresses the disorder of an energy system, equally fatally to increase. The more we produce work, the more disorder and entropy will grow irreversibly in the universe.

To found a society on work, therefore, is to vote it ultimately not to order and life, but to disorder and death. Rather, a sound society should not only reflect on the ways in which men and women work and produce entropy, but also on the ways in which they are inoperative/workless and contemplative, producing that negentropy without which life would not be possible.

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