Duane Rousselle: Georges Bataille’s Post-anarchism

Pushing against the limits of anarchism, with George Bataille, as read by Duane Rousselle.

[Source: The Anarchist Library]


Abstract

Post-anarchist philosophy has widely been regarded as an attempt to challenge the ontological essentialism of the traditional anarchist discourse. The problem for the post-anarchists is that by focusing exclusively on the critique of ontological essentialism and universalism inherent in the ideology of traditional anarchism, post-anarchists have demonstrated that they are unable to envision a response to meta-ethical questions that occur outside of the universalism/relativism pair. As a result most post-anarchists have retreated into an epistemological defence of relativism. In keeping with the ethical trajectory of post-anarchist philosophy, post-anarchists could stand to benefit by responding nihilistically rather than relativistically to the epistemological problem of universalism. They could also take the ontological problematic of non-being to its limit by rejecting the subject as the locus of ethical agency. I shall aim to demonstrate that this latter position is correlative to the meta-ethical position of Georges Bataille.

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Negativity and positivity in anarchism: An inextricable but contradictory duality

Detail of “Bust of the Roman God Janus” (1569) © The New York Public Library

Tomás Ibáñez writes on the inherent (contradictory) duality of the anarchist imaginary and anarchist practice, from Redes Libertarias (05/12/2024).


When I opened the computer to start writing this text, I was tempted to title it: “In Fiery Praise of the Negativity of Anarchism”, since my purpose was precisely to reflect on this inescapable, and often undervalued, dimension of anarchism. However, I soon realised that this forced me to leave out much of what constitutes anarchism. In particular, the positive side of anarchism that also defines it was marginalised. So to remedy this unfortunate amputation, I had no choice but to undertake the elaboration of a second article, entitled this time: “Enthusiastic apology for the anarchist dream and its intermittent embodiments in reality”.

However, as my commitment was to submit a single article to Redes Libertarias, I finally opted to renounce this first title and to merge the two reflections into a single text. There would be no point in recounting this anecdote here, proper to the private sphere of the writer responsible for this article, and it is of no substantial interest, were it not for the fact that the decision to merge the two reflections has had the beneficial effect for me of putting the spotlight on the intrinsically dilemmatic character of anarchism itself. Indeed, from that decision I have come to perceive it as something cut from the same cloth as the two-faced deity called Janus in ancient Rome, endowed with two diametrically opposed but inseparably united faces.

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Simón Royo Hernández: The timeliness of anarchism

This work was performed in El Cabanyal, Valencia, Spain, by Santiago Sierra, 2012

From Redes Libertarias (15/11/2024)


When we look at what remains of the glorious and spectacular anarchist movement, the fullness of which we can situate between the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, sadness and nostalgia come over us, for it is no longer with us today. Those 100 years of anarchism saw the theoretical works of Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon or Malatesta, together with practical works such as the Paris Commune or the anarchist communities in the Spain’s civil war in Catalonia and Aragon. It is a pity that today there are no such thinkers and deeds as those, but it is precisely the anchoring of anarchism in those thinkers and deeds that prevents there being others like them today.

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Sacrificial Violence and Retribution

From the CrimethInc. Collective (23/12/2024)


In the following analysis, we explore the responses to two different extrajudicial killings as a way to understand the different forms of violence that are coming to the fore in our society right now. In the appendix, we offer an incomplete roundup of various responses to the shooting of Brian Thompson, the CEO of UnitedHealthcare.

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Giorgio Agamben: Labour and life

From Quodlibet (24/12/2024).


One often hears the Italian Constitution praised because it has made work its foundation.[1] Yet not only the etymology of the term (labour designates an agonising punishment and suffering in Latin), but also its use as a sign of the concentration camps (“Work makes you free” was written on the gate of Auschwitz) should have warned against such a recklessly positive meaning. From the pages of Genesis, which present work as a punishment for Adam’s sin, to the oft-quoted passage in The German Ideology in which Marx announced that in communist society it would be possible, instead of working, “to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after dinner, just as I have a mind “,[2] a healthy mistrust of work is an integral part of our cultural tradition.

There is, however, a more serious and profound reason that should advise against making work the foundation of a society. It comes from science, particularly physics, which defines work through the force that must be applied to a body in order to move it. To work thus defined, the second principle of thermodynamics necessarily applies. According to this principle, which is perhaps the supreme expression of the sublime pessimism attained by true science, energy tends fatally to degrade and entropy, which expresses the disorder of an energy system, equally fatally to increase. The more we produce work, the more disorder and entropy will grow irreversibly in the universe.

To found a society on work, therefore, is to vote it ultimately not to order and life, but to disorder and death. Rather, a sound society should not only reflect on the ways in which men and women work and produce entropy, but also on the ways in which they are inoperative/workless and contemplative, producing that negentropy without which life would not be possible.

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We Are Not Pawns, We Are the People Who Rose Against the Regime

From Black Rose Anarchist Federation (18/12/2024).


This article by Syrian writer Jwana Aziz reflects on the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Jwana examines the conditions that precipitated the 2011 uprising, the years of civil war, and the difficulties that now lay ahead for the Syrian people, while also holding open the possibility for a truly liberated future.

Jwana is the daughter of Omar Aziz (Abu Kamel), a Syrian intellectual and anarchist who both theorized and organized local democratic councils in Damascus during the uprising. In 2012 the elder Aziz was arrested by Syrian security forces and in 2013 succumbed to poor conditions in a regime prison.

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Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen: Class Struggle in What Society?

George Tice, Palace Funhouse, Ashbury Park, New Jersey, 1995

From Ill Will (17/12/2024).


1. Any analysis of the re-election of Trump must depart from the George Floyd revolt, which remains the most important “political,” or rather anti-political, event in recent American history. In Minneapolis and other cities in 2020, the constituted power of the state encountered a radical challenge. Unfortunately, most analyses of the election remain stuck in a totally obsolete left-right opposition that makes little sense in the US context, especially given how unconvincing it would be to claim that the Democrats constitute any species of left-wing political party. Harris’s campaign was tellingly peopled with ultra-rich celebrities and conservative hawks, including Dick Cheney’s daughter. The revolt of 2020, by contrast, announced a breakthrough in the history of American anti-capitalist rebellion, with people in the streets in more than 2000 cities and towns. The iconic scene of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis in flames stands as a warning sign to the ruling class that something like this could pop off at any minute. That the Black-led, multiracial revolt went entirely unmentioned during the election reveals the extent to which the ruling class remains united where the most important conflict is concerned. We may witness a shit show of competing factions of the local capitalist class jockeying for advantage over other members of the ruling class, but they are all in agreement that another revolt on the scale of 2020 must be kept at bay. If Trump 2016 was a preventive counter-revolution to ensure that any possible merger between Occupy and Ferguson was put to bed, Trump 2024 is an attempt to terminate the emergent state-negating refusal we saw in full force in summer  2020 in its womb.

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Diego Sztulwark: One year of Milei’s government

From Lobo Suelto! (09/12/2024)

For many months we had the opportunity to investigate the reasons that made Javier Milei’s government possible: the subjective effects of the pandemic and the acceleration of remote communication technologies; the transformations in the structure of employment and the difficulty of providing quality universal public services; the failure of the right-wing gamble with Mauricio Macri (and the criminal indebtedness to the IMF) and the failure of the government of the Fernández-Fernández formula to reverse processes of social inequality. We have simultaneously observed the aggressive day-to-day treatment by the new government of a population that has no effective instruments to limit the destruction. One year into Milei’s government, it is time to consider some key points for reflection in terms of political antagonism:

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Leïla Al-Shami: “The future of Syria will be decided by the Syrians and nobody else”

An interview with Leïla al-Shami, from Lundi Matin #456, 16/12/2024.


Leïla al-Shami and Robin Yassin-Kassab are the authors of Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War, an important book in which they recounted the early years of the revolution and the profusion of experiments in popular self-organisation. We interviewed them in 2016 and 2019. The following interview is not an interview in its own right, but rather a sort of addendum to the previous ones.

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Syria: The dictator has fled, long live the revolution

In less than two weeks, the Bashar al-Assad regime of Syria collapsed, with his flight to Russia, in the face of a military offensive conducted by a coalition of armed groups led by Hay?at Tahrir al-Sham. If we count his father’s reign, initiated in a 1970 coup d’état, the 8th of December of 2024 marked the end of 54 years of violent, authoritarian rule. And the celebration on the streets of Syria’s towns and cities and the opening up of the regime’s prisons is testimony to the joy and pain of the end of the dictatorship.

What lies ahead, we do not pretend to know and we reject exclusively “geo-political” readings of the events that would reduce them to the consequences of regional and global power machinations. Assad’s regime collapsed not only because of the military offensive that forced his escape, but above all because “his own people” refused to defend him. The regime, already moribund, was simply pushed to play out its last act.

Behind, lies the horrific violence of Syria’s civil war – sustained with the assistance of competing “national” interests beyond the country’s borders and para-state military forces –, the Syrian State’s terror against its own people – the torture and killing of hundreds of thousands – and the mass displacement of millions, both inside and beyond Syria, generating the largest refugee crisis since World War II.

And yet there was also a revolution in Syria, for the country’s “Arab Spring” was more than the desire to see the end of the dictator; it was equally the expression of the desire for a new kind of society, more just and free, with “anarchist” resonances in the organisation of Local Coordination Committees.

To remember the revolution of this country’s peoples, we share a chapter from the excellent essay by Leila Al-Shami and Robin Yassin-Kassab, Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War (London: Pluto Press, 2016), a chapter entitled “The Grassroots”, preceded by a selection from the essay’s “Preface”.

And we close with the 2017 documentary film, Syria’s Disappeared: The Case Against Assad, by Sara Afshar.

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