Déjà vu and the Horizontal Reinstitution of Future

Ralph Gibson, Déjà-Vu, 1972

by Yavor Tarinski

We become epigones or spectators, but epigones or spectators of our very own potential-to-be.

Paolo Virno[1]

Within bureaucratic settings time seems to simultaneously rush and stay frozen – an endless cycle of past-presentism that shrinks leisure and creativity, producing a feeling of déjà vu and futurelessness. It is a condition that withers imagination and makes life miserable. It conditions us to simply observe our future, rather than allow us to inhabit and actively shape it. To alter this we first must obtain an understanding of why we tend to experience our present as stagnant and the structural architecture that corrodes our ability to imagine beyond the horizon of what currently exists.

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“understand that fascism is already here”*

I want to try to urge you to think about the historical system of slavery and the prison, the institution of the prison together. And specifically, I want us to think about the extent to which the vast global apparatus of imprisonment and particularly corporate involvement in the business of punishment, that these developments are related to what I would call the sedimented history of slavery we are living out today. In other words, slavery has not yet been completely abolished.

Angela Davis, (September 19, 2003: 5th Annual Eric Williams Memorial Lecture at Florida International University; Title: “Slavery and the Prison Industrial Complex”)


In the next revolution we hope that this cry will go forth:

“Burn the guillotine; demolish the prisons; drive away the judges, policemen and informers — the impurest race upon the face of the earth; treat as a brother the man who has been led by passion to do ill to his fellow; above all take from the ignoble products of middle-class idleness the possibility of displaying their vices in attractive colours; and be sure that but few crimes will mar our society.”

The main supports of crime are idleness, law and authority; laws about property, about government, laws about penalties and misdemeanours; and authority, which takes upon itself to manufacture these laws and to apply them.

No more laws! No more judges! Liberty, equality, and practical human sympathy are the only effectual barriers we can oppose to the anti-social instincts of certain amongst us.

Peter Kropotkin, “Law and Authority”, 1886, The Anarchist Library


The 2025 documentary film The Alabama Solution, directed by directed by Andrew Jarecki and Charlotte Kaufman, is a journey into the carceral heart of darkness of U.S. society. Giving voice to prisoners and deeply courageous prison activists (notably, Bennu Hannibal Ra-Sun (Melvin Ray), Ricardo (Raoul) Poole, and Kinetik Justice Amun (Robert Earl Council)), the film peels away the thin veneer of any redemptive justification for the Alabama state prison system, revealing it as a particularly violent example of the “prison-industrial complex” of the country, but by no means alone (80 billion dollars a year is spent on prisons and jails, with nearly 2 million people incarcerated, in the US), and by no means exclusive to the United States, even if carceral systems reflect particular histories and societies.

The Alabama Solution is a study in modern slavery and if the only acceptable response to slavery is to demand and act for its abolition, then the abolition of such prisons is the only possible moral and political response to these institutions.

What the film so starkly and painfully shows is that prison institutions are not peripheral to the society, nor are its incarcerated “criminals” merely disposable.

On the contrary, the prison is a defining institution in the production and reproduction of social relations: it serves to generate and reinforce authoritarian state power, indeed, the state as such and its domestic or internal sovereignty, securing “law and order” against the racialised and subaltern “wretched” of society, and very blatantly, in the context of the USA, using the prison population as slave labour (as permitted by the 13th Amendment of the country’s constitution), and beyond this country, through incarceration, torture and murder, governing by and through fear.

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Manifeste du parti grumaliste (continued)*

From lundimatin #513 (23/03/2026)


The network society connects everything it can. As a result, it tends to exclude class struggles. A number of us oppose this – in practical terms.[1]

2- Relays and Grumeaux

In the network society, homes are junctions, hubs – no longer dwellings, havens. They are criss-crossed on all sides by information network lines and are essentially sources of data, rather than retreats from the world sheltered from digital society. Moreover, they force residents to define their boundaries every day. They even compel them to tour their own fragments to reconstruct a reality that is desperately absent, to become tourists in their own homes in order to feel as though they are living there. From this point on, residents consciously conform to the norms of connectivity.

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Happy birthday, Dario

Dario Fo, Mistero buffo, 1969. Sketch for poster.

“At the root of everything I write, … is tragedy. One must never forget that Accidental Death involves a man who has been thrown out of a window, and that Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay! hinges on a man who is starving. You must always be aware of this reality. The laughter is simply a means of making the audience confront the problem.”

Dario Fo, quoted in The Guardian (24/03/2026)


Dario Fo would have been a hundred years old today, ten years after his death. Yet, his legacy, his art, remains as young as ever.

For Dario …

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‘Colonization’ in the Cronaca Sovversiva

Degiac Adegu of Mekele, follower of Ras Mengesha Yohannes, Ethiopia, photograph by Luigi Naretti, from L’Illustrazione Italiana, Year XXII, No 3, January 20, 1895.

From The Transmetropolitan Review (18/03/2026)


In the interests of fostering physical media, the text of ‘Colonization’ is print only.

A decade before Vladimir Lenin wrote his Imperialism and years before Rosa Luxemburg wrote her Accumulation of Capital, an Italian anarchist named Antonio Calavazzi wrote a short article titled ‘Colonization,’ first published in the Cronaca Sovversiva anarchist newspaper in 1906. Taking up less than a single page, this article was actually just one of many Italian anarchist texts dealing with colonialism, and unlike their English-speaking counterparts, the Italians had been critiquing colonization for a decade, starting with the First Italo-Ethiopian War of 1895.

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Iran between Repression, Co-optation, and War: Three Waves of Counterrevolution

From the CrimethInc. collective (19/03/2026)


In the following analysis, Somayeh Rostampour shows how the repression that the Iranian government has carried out to crush protests, the monarchist attempt to co-opt opposition movements and push them to the right, and the military assault that the US and Israel are currently carrying out against Iran are all different fronts within a single counterrevolution, reinforcing each other and combining to suppress the possibility of real liberation.

Somayeh Rostampour is a Kurdish feminist activist from Iran who participates in an internationalist network and a feminist, anti-imperialist, leftist collective in Paris, founded in 2022 by exiled activists from Iran, Afghanistan, and Kurdistan after the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî uprising. The collective supports subaltern struggles in Iran.

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Manifeste du parti grumaliste*

From lundimatin #512 (16/03/2026)


The connected society links together everything it can. It thereby aims to dematerialise social existence—that is its project. Consequently, there is no class struggle, even during election periods. A number of us are concerned about this.

I. Isolated and Relays

Contemporary society is a society of connection. Based on the annihilation of the most spontaneous bonds, it constructs links in every direction. Thus, it establishes links of security and economic performance, of course, but also links of conviviality, friendship, and love—even kinship. These links are created in its image: they are portable and digital, encoded links whose code is precious. These links relegate to the background the materials from which they are woven and serve the dematerialisation of social existence.

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George Orwell: Vanity and despotism

But what light does our difference here throw upon the problem before us? What connection is there between the sartorial splendours of the educated man and the photograph of ruined houses and dead bodies? Obviously the connection between dress and war is not far to seek; your finest clothes are those that you wear as soldiers. Since the red and the gold, the brass and the feathers are discarded upon active service, it is plain that their expensive and not, one might suppose, hygienic splendour is invented partly in order to impress the beholder with the majesty of the military office, partly in order through their vanity to induce young men to become soldiers. Here, then, our influence and our difference might have some effect; we, who are forbidden to wear such clothes ourselves, can express the opinion that the wearer is not to us a pleasing or an impressive spectacle. He is on the contrary a ridiculous, a barbarous, a displeasing spectacle. But as the daughters of educated men we can use our influence more effectively in another direction, upon our own class—the class of educated men. For there, in courts and universities, we find the same love of dress. There, too, are velvet and silk, fur and ermine. We can say that for educated men to emphasize their superiority over other people, either in birth or intellect, by dressing differently, or by adding titles before, or letters after their names are acts that rouse competition and jealousy—emotions which, as we need scarcely draw upon biography to prove, nor ask psychology to show, have their share in encouraging a disposition towards war. If then we express the opinion that such distinctions make those who possess them ridiculous and learning contemptible we should do something, indirectly, to discourage the feelings that lead to war. Happily we can now do more than express an opinion; we can refuse all such distinctions and all such uniforms for ourselves. This would be a slight but definite contribution to the problem before us—how to prevent war …

Virginia Woolf, Three Guineas (1938)


Shooting an Elephant

In Moulmein, in lower Burma, I was hated by large numbers of people – the only time in my life that I have been important enough for this to happen to me. I was sub-divisional police officer of the town, and in an aimless, petty kind of way anti-European feeling was very bitter. No one had the guts to raise a riot, but if a European woman went through the bazaars alone somebody would probably spit betel juice over her dress. As a police officer I was an obvious target and was baited whenever it seemed safe to do so. When a nimble Burman tripped me up on the football field and the referee (another Burman) looked the other way, the crowd yelled with hideous laughter. This happened more than once. In the end the sneering yellow faces of young men that met me everywhere, the insults hooted after me when I was at a safe distance, got badly on my nerves. The young Buddhist priests were the worst of all. There were several thousands of them in the town and none of them seemed to have anything to do except stand on street corners and jeer at Europeans.

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The War on Iran: Immoral allies, False claims and Unnecessary Bloodshed

From the Verso Books blog (11/03/2026)

Ilan Pappe on US and Israeli immorality and why Palestine lies at the heart of the war on Iran.

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The Anarchist Plot To Steal The Mona Lisa

From The Transmetropolitan Review (13/03/2026)


Bound copies of The Anarchist Plot To Steal The Mona Lisa can be found here.

INTRODUCTION

Few people know that the French anarchists of the 1890s funded their movement through burglary, and even fewer know that anarchists stole the Mona Lisa from the Louvre in 1911. However, fans of the hit Netflix show Lupin have already ingested the legacy of those anarchist burglars, for the titular Lupin was based on the legendary anarchist burglar Alexandre Marius Jacob, head of the infamous gang of Nightworkers, whose daring thefts resonate even today in 2026.

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