People are fools

MAGA supporters sang the national anthem during AmericaFest, the first Turning Point USA summit since the death of Charlie Kirk, in Phoenix, Arizona, on December 20, 2025. Cheney Orr/ Reuters

Why is there such complicity with the old Fascism and why such an acceptance of the new Fascism? Because there is – and this is the point – a guiding principle common to both, sincerely or insincerely: that is the idea that the greatest ill in the world is poverty and that therefore the culture of the poorer classes must be replaced by the culture of the ruling class.

Pier Paolo Pasolini, Lutheran Letters, 1983


From lundimatin #517, (28/04/2026)

Taking the issue of fascism seriously requires us to consider, at the same time, how we oppose it. Jean-Luc Debry proposes here a demanding form of anti-fascism, that is to say, one that manages to steer clear of both the path of resentment and cheap moral self-righteousness. We do not morallychallenge right-wing culture; we combat it from a higher ethical standpoint, that is to say, a more generous one.

People are fools: The good conscience and the coming fascism

Jean-Luc Debry

The phrase, “People are fools”[1], as it was uttered in a fit of rage fuelled by inconsolable disappointment in the aftermath of elections marked by the Rassemblement national-RN’s [National Rally’s] gains and entrenchment at local level – and in the face of the threats its success poses at the national level should it win the presidential election – is a veritable slogan, almost a manifesto. This bitter observation reflects a slightly disillusioned sense of superiority that could well be one of the explanations for this deep rift, which is fuelling an increasingly threatening trend, especially since Trump has been in the White House and has been trumpeting his determination to impose a contemporary version of fascism with all the trappings of a victorious counter-revolution. It is, it seems to me, in its less explicit but equally relentless version of “we don’t associate with those sorts of people”, the product of antagonists who foster a vindictive atmosphere of very bad omens.

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‘The Mexican Question’ in the Cronaca Sovversiva

From The Transmetropolitan Review (01/05/2026)


In the interests of fostering physical print media, the full pamphlet is only formatted for printing.

Introduction

The involvement of Italian anarchists in the Mexican Revolution of 1910 is a moment in history that remains obscure not just to contemporary anarchists, but also to academic historians. Beyond this, the actual history of the Mexican Revolution is insanely complex and refuses to fit neatly inside any ideological boxes, including anarchist ones.

Nevertheless, vast areas of northern and southern Mexico achieved near total anarchism for various lengths of time, although the state tamed most of them by 1920. This assertion is backed up by numerous volumes of recent scholarship, but information traveled slowly in 1911, the year several dozen Italian anarchists crossed the border into northern Mexico to fight in a revolution.

Responding to calls printed in the Spanish language Regeneraciónthe Italian language l’Era Nuova and Cronaca Sovversivaas well as in the IWW’s Industrial Workerthree groups of Italians traveled to Los Angeles before crossing the border into liberated Tijuana. These groups entered Mexico by May 1911, having traveled from vastly different parts of the United States.

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Dietrich Bonhoeffer: On Stupidity

Eichmann was not lago and not Macbeth, and nothing would have been farther from his mind than to determine with Richard III “to prove a villain.” Except for an extraordinary diligence in looking out for his personal advancement, he had no motives at all. And this diligence in itself was in no way criminal; he certainly would never have murdered his superior in order to inherit his post. He merely, to put the matter colloquially, never realized what he was doing. It was precisely this lack of imagination which enabled him to sit for months on end facing a German Jew who was conducting the police interrogation, pouring out his heart to the man and explaining again and again how it was that he reached only the rank of lieutenant colonel in the S.S. and that it had not been his fault that he was not promoted. In principle he knew quite well what it was all about, and in his final statement to the court he spoke of the “revaluation of values prescribed by the [Nazi] government.” He was not stupid. It was sheer thoughtlessness – something by no means identical with stupidity – that predisposed him to become one of the greatest criminals of that period. And if this is “banal” and even funny, if with the best will in the world one cannot extract any diabolical or demonic profundity from Eichmann, that is still far from calling it commonplace. It surely cannot be so common that a man facing death, and, moreover, standing beneath the gallows, should be able to think of nothing but what he has heard at funerals all his life, and that these “lofty words” should completely becloud the reality – of his own death. That such remoteness from reality and such thoughtlessness can wreak more havoc than all the evil instincts taken together which, perhaps, are inherent in man – that was, in fact, the lesson one could learn in Jerusalem. But it was a lesson, neither an explanation of the phenomenon nor a theory about it.

Hannah Arendt, Eichmann In Jerusalem, 1963


If Hannah Arendt distinguished stupidity from thoughtless, the later being the source of what she perceived as Adolf Eichmann’s evil in the Nazi extermination of Europe’s Jewry, she understood his thoughtlessness – “remoteness from reality” – in a way similiar to how Dietrich Bonhoeffer understood the stupidity of those who embraced fascism and nazism, and as something even more dangerous than wickedness.

The process at work here [of becoming stupid] is not that particular human capacities, for instance, the intellect, suddenly atrophy or fail. Instead, it seems that under the overwhelming impact of rising power, humans are deprived of their inner independence, and, more or less consciously, give up establishing an autonomous position toward the emerging circumstances. The fact that the stupid person is often stubborn must not blind us to the fact that he is not independent. In conversation with him, one virtually feels that one is dealing not at all with a person, but with slogans, catchwords and the like, that have taken possession of him. He is under a spell, blinded, misused, and abused in his very being. Having thus become a mindless tool, the stupid person will also be capable of any evil and at the same time incapable of seeing that it is evil. This is where the danger of diabolical misuse lurks, for it is this that can once and for all destroy human beings.

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Anarchism and mysticism: anarchist ecology as respect for the earthly sacred

William Blake, Jerusalem, Plate 94, “Albion cold lays on his Rock….”, 1804 to 1820

by Simón Royo Hernández

Redes Libertarias, 19/04/2026


That man is just who is informed with and transformed into justice.

Meister Eckhart, Sermon Fifty-Nine (Pf 59, Q 39, QT 25)

I to myself would live,
To enjoy the blessings that to Heaven I owe,
Alone, contemplative,
And freely love forgo,
Nor hope, fear, hatred, jealousy e’er know.

Fray Luis de León, The Life Removed

To be a philosopher is not merely to have subtle thoughts, nor even to found a school, but so to love wisdom as to live according to its dictates, a life of simplicity, independence, magnanimity, and trust. It is to solve some of the problems of life, not only theoretically, but practically.

Henry David Thoreau, Walden

Mysticism is tantamount to atheism because it asserts that all of Nature is sacred and divine, in the Spinozist sense; this is tantamount to saying, therefore, that every Church is false and that every Pope and transcendent God is a lie; and for that reason, mysticism is the only form of spirituality compatible with anarchist materialism.

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Giorgio Agamben: Whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad

François-Auguste Biard, L’Exorcisme de la folie de Charles VI, 1839

It is worth reflecting on a fact so incredible that attempts are made at all costs to sweep it under the carpet: the state that claims to be the most powerful in the world has for years been governed by men who are, technically speaking, insane. This is not simply a matter of taking a political judgement to an extreme: that Trump — as undoubtedly Biden before him — should be considered insane in the pathological sense of the term is a view already shared by many psychiatrists, and one that anyone observing the way they express themselves cannot help but share. It goes without saying that what interests us here is not the clinical case of the individuals known as Trump and Biden; rather, the question we cannot help but ask is: what is the historical significance of the fact that a country like the United States—which in a sense leads the whole of the West—is governed by a mentally ill person? What radical spiritual and moral—even before political—decadence could have led to such an extreme consequence? That the fate of the West was marked by nihilism is something Nietzsche had already diagnosed over a century ago alongside the death of God; but that nihilism would have to take the form of madness was not a foregone conclusion. Perhaps it is in some way out of compassion and mercy that God, who wishes to lose the West, leads it to its end not in consciousness and responsibility, but in unconsciousness and madness.

Quodlibet, March 30, 2026

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Élisée Reclus: To My Brother the Peasant

Communal society, Zoar, Ohio, U.S. (Zócola Public Square)

In 1873, Reclus wrote an article entitled “Quelques mots sur la propriété” for L’Almanach du peuple. He later revised and expanded it, publishing it as a pamphlet under the title A mon frère le paysan (1899). In his “Biographie d’Elisée Reclus” in Les Frères Elie et Elisée Reclus (Paris: Les Amis d’Elisée Reclus, 1964), Paul Reclus writes that “it was translated into a dozen European languages, even including two dialects of Breton”. While this small work is a classic of anarchist propaganda and possesses all the rhetorical qualities appropriate to the genre, it is also of interest for its comments on the relationship between capitalism and technological rationality.

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Israel, Apartheid, and the Death Penalty: When Law Becomes a Tool of Ethnic Cleansing

Anti-Apartheid Demonstration UC Berkeley 1985

By Rezgar Akrawi, from libcom.org (10/04/2026)


The Death Penalty for Terrorists Law was formally passed on 30 March 2026, with a 62–48 vote. Israel’s National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, during a session of the Knesset’s National Security Committee. He and other members of his far-right Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power) party arrived wearing yellow noose-shaped lapel pins to signal their commitment to a controversial bill they were spearheading.

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Hands Off Prosfygika: Eviction Threat Sparks Hunger Strike and Mass Mobilization

From Unicorn Riot, by Camilla Donzelli (02/04/2026)


Athens, Greece — On March 14, more than 4,000 people joined a march organized by the Community of Squatted Prosfygika, a historic occupation in Athens now facing an eviction threat due to a regional “regeneration and development” plan. The protest unfolded amid growing mobilization, as community member Aristotelis Chantzis continues a hunger strike aimed at forcing authorities to take a clear position on the future of the area and its residents.

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Giorgio Agamben: Adam’s childhood

Albrecht Dürer, Adam and Eve, 1504

One cannot understand our culture’s conception of the human being unless one remembers that at its foundation lies a man without a childhood: Adam. According to the account in Genesis, the man whom the Lord creates and places in the Garden of Eden is an adult, to whom He speaks and gives commands, and for whom He creates a companion so that he might not be alone. And only an adult, and certainly not an infant, could give a name to all the animals in the garden.

It is hardly surprising that a being without a childhood cannot remain innocent and is fatally destined for guilt and sin. Perhaps the pessimism that condemns the Christian West to constantly postpone happiness and fulfilment to the future stems from this singular deficiency, which makes Adam a being constitutionally devoid of childhood. And it is perhaps because of this lack, more fundamental than any sin, that, on the one hand, childhood is for each of us the place of nostalgia for impossible happiness and, on the other, within social organisation, a defective condition that must be disciplined and trained at all costs. And if psychoanalysis sees in the child the hidden subject of every neurosis, this is perhaps precisely because the Adamic paradigm of a man without childhood is at work within us somewhere.

This means that the recovery from the illness of the West – that is, of an adult culture which, by repressing childhood, ends up condemning itself to childishness – will only be possible if we are able to restore Adam’s childhood.

Quodlibet, April 13, 2026

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An Orgasm of History: 1977 in Italy – Digression on the Thread of Memory by a former Situationist

by Gianfranco Sanguinetti


We share below a new translation of “An Orgasm of History: 1977 in Italy,” a text Gianfranco Sanguinetti wrote in 2017, on the 40th anniversary of the 1977 insurrectionary movement in Italy, about which little is known in the English-speaking world. This text can also serve as a short autobiography of its author.

We thank the notbored.org collective for sharing this text and their excellent work of gathering together and translating Situationist writings.


An Orgasm of History: 1977 in Italy – Digression on the Thread of Memory by a former Situationist1

They think I’m severe? I know I am, I force them to think.

Vittorio Alfieri, Epigrams, 1783

The catastrophe of the ideologies.

There were two 1977s in Italy, one of which was nothing more than the final gasp, the death rattle of the illusions, lies and crimes of which the pro-Soviet and pro-Chinese bureaucracies and their local followers were the bearers and the beneficiaries, still constituting the dead weight and false consciousness of the purportedly extremist groups that arose from the ashes of 1968.

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