“A World Governed by Force”

From the CrimethInc. collective (01/06/2026)


The Attack on Venezuela and the Conflicts to Come

“We live in a world that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power,” Stephen Miller told CNN host Jake Tapper, on January 5, 2026, spelling out the fascist program as he justified seizing Greenland by force. “These are the iron laws of the world since the beginning of time.”

Early in the morning of January 3, the Trump administration carried out a made-for-TV raid on Venezuela, bombing at least seven targets in Caracas and kidnapping president Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Celia Flores. This was the culmination of a year-long pressure campaign during which the administration designated Venezuelan immigrants in the US as “narco-terrorists,” attempted to employ the Alien Enemies Act, bombed alleged “drug boats,” seized oil tankers, and deployed the US navy to blockade Venezuela.

The Trump regime initially accused Maduro of heading “Cartel de los Soles,” a construct as concocted as “antifa.” Though they revised this accusation yesterday in order to formulate a less tenuous legal case, it is typical of their method that they begin with a false narrative and seek the means to impose it on reality. One of Donald Trump’s chief objectives was to post a photograph of Nicolás Maduro in chains, echoing the photographs that federal agencies have circulated of people abducted by ICE. Rather than offering improvements in anyone’s economic conditions, Trump offers his supporters the vicarious thrill of identifying with jailers and torturers. His goal is to dehumanize his adversaries and desensitize everyone to the kind of violence that will be required to sustain his reign and capitalism itself in an era of declining profits.

Corporate media is performing its classic role of loyal opposition, raising questions about the legality of the action while demonizing Maduro and lionizing his right-wing opponent, María Corina Machado. For anarchists and others who aim to oppose imperialism, it’s necessary to situate the attack on Venezuela in a larger context, reflect on what effective opposition could look like, and identify how we can take action in response.

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Giorgio Agamben: The mystery of power

Luca Signorelli, The Preaching of the Antichrist, 1500-1504

Paul’s second letter to the Thessalonians can be read as a prophecy concerning the current situation in the West. The apostle evokes here “a mystery of anomia”, of “lawlessness”, which is already at work, but which will not be consummated with the second coming of Jesus Christ unless “the man of lawlessness (ho anthropos tes anomias), is revealed [first], the man doomed to destruction. He will oppose and will exalt himself over everything that is called God or is worshiped, so that he sets himself up in God’s temple, proclaiming himself to be God.” However, there is a power that restrains this revelation (Paul simply calls it, without further definition, “that or the one that withholds”, “the restrainer – the katechon”). It is therefore necessary for this power to be removed, for it is only then that “the lawless one (anomo) will be revealed, whom the Lord Jesus will overthrow with the breath of his mouth and destroy by the splendor of his coming.”

Theological-political tradition has identified this “restraining power” with the Roman Empire (as in Jerome and, later, in Carl Schmitt) or with the Church itself (in Tychone and Augustine). In any case, it is clear that the power that restrains is identified with the institutions that sustain and govern human societies. That is why its elimination coincides with the advent of the anomos, a “lawless one” who takes the place of God and, “with signs and false wonders”, leads to perdition “those who have renounced the love of truth”.

It is possible to see in the mystery of anomie not so much a supratemporal arcane, whose sole meaning would be to put an end to history, but rather a historical drama (mysterion in Greek means “dramatic action”), which corresponds perfectly to what we are experiencing today.

The dominant institutions seem to have lost their meaning and are literally falling apart, giving way to an anomia, an absence of law that purports, so to speak, to be legal, but which has in fact abdicated all legitimacy. The State (the principle that restrains) and the “lawless one” are in reality two sides of the same mystery: the mystery of power. As the United States is demonstrating today without any scruples, the “man of anomie”, the “lawless” one, designates the figure of state power which, abandoning the constitutional and ethical principles that traditionally limited it and, with them, “the love of truth”, entrusts itself to the “signs and false wonders” of weapons and technology. This confusion of anarchy and legality in a state of emergency that has become permanent is what we must unmask and render inoperative in all areas.

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For Béla Tarr (1955-2026)

“I still consider myself an anarchist. But there’s an old saying, that goes, “If you’re not a communist by 30, you have no heart. But if you’re a communist after 30, you have no brain.” This is quite an old maxim, with which I don’t always agree with, because I think that social sensitivity is a really important aspect. You can’t be cynical, you can’t be cold-hearted. You can’t do anything without empathy. And it’s obvious that one has to side with the poor, the disgraced and the tormented. This is a moral duty, and not a question of profession, nor a question of your social status. This is simply a question of honour.”

Béla Tarr, “Kozmikus a szar” | életútinterjú Tarr Bélával [interview with English subtitles with Béla Tarr], Partizán, 24 March 2023, (via YouTube).

“My slogan is very, very simple: no education – just liberation!”

Béla Tarr, The Guardian, 19/07/2024


If Béla Tarr’s “slogan” is first a reference to his hope for young filmmakers, that they break away from the weight of cinematographic traditions and find their own forms of expression, it may be taken more broadly as a call to break away from something more profound: from stories with a “perceptive centre”, for “the filmmaker is not there to make himself the center that arranges the visible and its sense.” (Jacques Rancière, The Time After, 2011)

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Wishes for the new year

Eneko las Heras

So, certainly, things have changed. And there is a lot to do. The next century is right on us. Policemen need to give up their guns. Society needs to dismantle all our prisons. If we need to detain people, a local jail should be sufficient. We need many more doctors; we need many more social workers; we need lots more teachers. And, yes, a lawyer or two to keep the stew honest. We need to be proud of the taxes we pay. We need to tax the wealthy dead at 100 percent. It’s an abomination that the dead rich control ‘their’ money while the living must suffer. We need a new definition of neighbourhood, community, society. We need to make white America tell us why they hate and fear and hoard. We need a new definition of life so that we can find a truer definition of death. We all need a definition of responsibility. And I don’t think there is any one key or easy answer. There are some clearer answers and some difficult decisions but our first decision must be to change from the rather hateful, selfish species we are into something a bit better. I hope there are aliens out there and I hope they come to Earth. We need another perspective on the possibilities. Civil Rights have to somehow be tied to civilized humans. So that is the question: What is a civil human?

From a “Civil Rights Journey”, by Nikki Giovanni, Blues: For All the Changes (1999)

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Edward Abbey: Theory of Anarchy

Anarchism is not a romantic fable but the hardheaded realization, based on five thousand years of experience, that we cannot entrust the management of our lives to kings, priests, politicians, generals, and county commissioners.

Edward Abbey, A Voice Crying in the Wilderness, (1989)


To write of Edward Abbey or to share his writing – as we do below -, invites criticism; the criticism that we are providing a forum to a writer, however influential and important, who openly expressed sexist and racist ideas.

And to this, we plead guilty, for Abbey did express such ideas. However, it would be equally important to try to see these ideas in a broader critical context, that is, to see them not just as a reflection of Abbey’s time, but as pointing to deeper issues around anarcho-primitivism, biocentrism and Malthusianism. To pursue these issues though would call for more than what we propose here.

We would suggest the same when addressing the antisemitism of two central figures in the history of anarchism: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Michael Bakunin.

It is not to diminish the significance of these intellectual and moral failings, but to understand them. And to understand them not only as a sign of their times, but as potentially symptomatic of more profound shortcomings in their thought and actions.

The persons from which we learn are not sacrosanct; they are as fragile and as susceptible to tragic error as we are.

For us then, Abbey’s work is also a tireless and serious – as well as eloquent and playful – defence of life lived on a “human” scale; on a scale that places us as equals with other species in the biosphere. Against this, stands property, wealth, power, unrestrained resource extraction for “economic growth”, the destruction of life.

All men are brothers, we like to say, half-wishing sometimes in secret it were not true. But perhaps it is true. And is the evolutionary line from protozoan to Spinoza any less certain? That also may be true. We are obliged, therefore, to spread the news, painful and bitter though it may be for some to hear, that all living things on earth are kindred.

Edward Abbey, Desert Solitaire (1968)

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David Graeber: Revolution in reverse

David Graeber is an anthropologist at Goldsmiths College, University of London. In his previous books, particularly Towards An Anthropological Theory of Value and Fragments of An Anarchist Anthropology, he has spelt out his view of the need for a link between radical politics and anthropology. Here, building on his ethnographic work with direct action activists, he argues that although theories of revolution today seem unrealistic and old-hat, revolutionary practice is in good health. We need, therefore, new theoretical tools. Can anthropology point the way?

“Revolution in reverse” is a chapter from a collection of essays by Graeber entitled Revolutions in Reverse: Essays on Politics, Violence, Art, and Imagination (2009/2012). Both the essay and the collection are available at The Anarchist Library.

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Carlos Taibo: Bakunin versus Marx

From Freedom News (26/12/2025)


In the persons of these two revolutionaries, two distinct projects clashed within the First International


There are more elements of commonality between Bakunin and Marx than might appear. It was hardly a coincidence that both sought the shelter of the International and that, despite their disagreements, they shared space within that organisation. Aside from this, it is evident that both Bakunin and Marx wished to protect the International from external attacks. The boundless, perhaps excessive, admiration that Bakunin felt at all times for Marx’s theoretical work can never be overstated. The desire to leave behind an order, that of capital, was present in the reflections and actions of these two revolutionaries.

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Simone Weil: Reflections on barbarism (1939)

Thomas Cole, Destruction from The Course of Empire (1836)

Many people nowadays, moved by the horrors of every kind that our time provides in a number overwhelming for anyone the least bit sensitive, think that, as a result of an excessively great technical power, or a kind of moral decadence, or for any other reason, we are entering a period of greater barbarity than the centuries humanity has already gone through. That is far from being the case. All one need do to be convinced is open any ancient text, the Bible, Homer, Caesar, Plutarch. In the Bible, the victims of a massacre number generally in the tens of thousands. Total extermination, in one day, with no exceptions made for sex or age, is not, in Caesar’s accounts, anything extraordinary. According to Plutarch, Marius used to walk in the streets of Rome followed by a troop of slaves who would immediately fall upon anyone greeting him if Marius didn’t return the greeting. Sulla, who was begged on the Senate floor at least to declare whom he intended to have killed, said that he couldn’t recall all the names at that moment, but that he would publish them day by day as they occurred to him. None of the past centuries known to history is poor in atrocious events. The power of weaponry is unimportant in this regard. For large-scale massacres, the simple sword, even of bronze, is a more effective instrument than the airplane.

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Simone Weil: The power of words (1937)

In every sphere, we seem to have lost the very elements of intelligence: the ideas of limit, measure, degree, proportion, relation, comparison, contingency, interdependence, interrelation of means and ends. To keep to the social level, our political universe is peopled exclusively by myths and monsters; all it contains is absolutes and abstract entities.

Simone Weil

We shed blood for high-sounding words spelled out in capital letters. We seek to impart content to them by destroying other men who believe in enemy-words, also in capital letters. … The nothingness of national, class, or racial myth must receive an apparent substance, not from intelligible content but from the will to destroy and be destroyed.

Thomas Merton, “Simone Weil and why nations go to war


The relative security we enjoy in this age, thanks to a technology which gives us a measure of control over nature, is more than cancelled out by the dangers of destruction and massacre in conflicts between groups of men.[1] If the danger is grave it is no doubt partly because of the power of the destructive weapons supplied by our techniques; but these weapons do not fire themselves, and it is dishonest to blame inert matter for a situation in which the entire responsibility is our own. Common to all our most threatening troubles is one characteristic which might appear reassuring to a superficial eye, but which is in reality the great danger: they are conflicts with no definable objective. The whole of history bears witness that it is precisely such conflicts that are the most bitter. It may be that a clear recognition of this paradox is one of the keys to history; that it is the key to our own period there is no doubt.

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Simone Weil: Reflections on War

Albin Egger-Lienz, For the Nameless 1914 (1916)

The perspectives of a revolution seem therefore quite restricted. For can a revolution avoid war? It is, however, on this feeble chance that we must stake everything or abandon all hope.

Simone Weil

The masks have fallen away, or they have been torn away, as too restraining. Over a century of struggles over the many powers of states are now being won by tyrants and new fascists. And we are called upon not only to think the new, but the old; to think anew of political violence, war and revolution. And we turn to Simone Weil.

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