Mafalda the “anarchist”: For Quino (1932-2020)

The rigid, the ready—made, the mechanical, in contrast with the supple, the ever-changing and the living, absentmindedness in contrast with attention, in a word, automatism in contrast with free activity, such are the defects that laughter singles out and would fain correct.

Henri Bergson, Laughter: An essay on the meaning of the comic

While little known outside of the world’s Hispanic cultural-geographical spaces, Quino’s comic strip character “Mafalda” was a lesson in rebelliousness throughout the 1960s and early 70s in Latin America and beyond. Ironic, sardonic, questioning, disobedient, Mafalda upended the hierarchy of ages, challenged the authorities of the family and adults, crossed the divide between public and private, and mocked and cried the tragedies of her time. She was for many young people (and not only) a taste of “anarchy”.

“Quino” (Joaquín Salvador Lavado Tejón) died last September 30th. From the seemingly endless collection of his drawings and sketches, we celebrate his work with a modest selection of Mafalda strips and more … sharing his, our, laughter.

Mafalda is not just a comic book character; she is perhaps the character of the seventies in Argentine society. If, when trying to define her, the adjective “rebellious” has been used, it has not been by homogenising herself in the fashion of anti-conformism at all costs: Mafalda is truly an angry heroine who rejects the world as it is. To understand her, it is convenient to draw a parallel with another great character whose influence is not alien: Charlie Brown. Charlie Brown is North American, Mafalda South American. Charlie Brown belongs to a prosperous country, to an opulent society in which he desperately tries to integrate himself, begging for solidarity and happiness; Mafalda belongs to a country dense with social contrasts, which despite everything would like to integrate her and make her happy, but she refuses and rejects all offers. Charlie Brown lives in a childlike universe of his own, from which adults are rigorously excluded (with the exception that children aspire to become adults); Mafalda lives in a continuous dialogue with the adult world, a world that she does not esteem, respect, that she renders hostile to her, that she humiliates and rejects, claiming her right to remain a child who does not want to take over a universe adulterated by her parents. Charlie Brown has evidently read the Freudian revisionists, and is searching for a lost harmony; Mafalda, in all probability, will have read Che. In reality, Mafalda has very confused ideas about politics, she cannot understand what is happening in Vietnam, she does not know why the poor exist, she does not trust the State and is worried about the presence of the Chinese. There is only one thing she clearly knows: she is not satisfied. She is surrounded by a small court of much more “one-dimensional” characters: Manolito, an integrated altar boy of neighborhood capitalism, who knows with total certainty that the primary value in this world is money; Felipe, quiet dreamer; Susanita, beatifically ill with a maternal spirit, drugged by petty bourgeois dreams. And then Mafalda’s parents, who, as if it were not hard enough for them how to accept the daily routine (resorting to the pharmaceutical palliative of “Nervocalm”), are burdened, in addition, with the tremendous fate of having to take care of the Rebel. Mafalda’s universe is that of a Latin America in its most advanced metropolitan areas; but it is in general, from many points of view, a Latin universe and this makes Mafalda much more understandable to us than so many characters in American comics. Furthermore, Mafalda is, in the last analysis, a “hero of our time”, and this should not be thought of as an exaggerated definition for the character of paper and ink that Quino offers us. Nobody today denies that the comic (when it reaches levels of quality) is a testimony of the social moment: and in Mafalda, the tendencies of a restless youth are reflected, which assume the paradoxical aspect of a childish opposition, of a psychological eczema in reaction to the mass media, of a moral urticaria produced by the logic of the geo-political blocks, of an intellectual asthma caused by atomic fungi. Since our children are preparing to be – by our choice – a multitude of Mafaldas, it seems prudent to treat Mafalda with the respect that a royal character deserves.

Umberto Eco

Quino is a classic who was ahead of his time, by addressing the transcendent in the everyday, to unveil and reveal to us the great drama of modern man’s consciousness, who has to compete to earn a living and, at the same time, to cope with existence having immediate information about the tragedies that move us and the disasters that surround us. Mafalda is Quino’s conscience and therefore ours. For this reason, of all the explanations that I have heard or read about Mafalda, that of Julio Cortázar …, “What I think of Mafalda is not important. What is important is what Mafalda thinks of me”, seems to me without a doubt the most accurate. It is she who explains the lasting success and permanent youth of that Mafalda who looked at the world with the astonishment of the child and the thought of the adult, and who was also the critical conscience of her time and continues to be of ours.

Peridis

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Hong Kong: Reflecting on an insurrection

Protesters in Hong Kong, 20 October, 2019. Photo: Isaac Yeung / Shutterstock.com

From Roarmag (28/09/2020) …

Hong Kong in revolt: an interview with Au Loong-Yu

To celebrate the publication of his new book, Au Loong-Yu joins us to talk about the origins, scope and legacy of last year’s Hong Kong rebellion.

When a group of protesters staged a sit-in at the government headquarters of Hong Kong in March 2019, little did they know that their actions would kick off the most significant wave of struggles in Hong Kong’s history. The sit-in was in opposition to the anticipated implementation of the “Fugitive Offenders amendment bill,” more commonly known as the Extradition Bill, that would give Beijing the power to extradite Hong Kong residents and visitors to the mainland. Protesters feared that by subjecting Hong Kong citizens to the mainland’s draconian legal system the bill would effectively end the post-colonial policy of “one country, two systems.”

As protests intensified, hundreds of thousands took to the streets. Global media became captivated by the protesters’ pitched battles with the police and their impressive array of new street tactics that have since inspired protesters around the world, from Chile to Rochester, New York. Even as the bill was rescinded and the media’s attention went elsewhere, protests continued, stopped only by the outbreak of COVID-19 at the start of the year.

In his new book, Hong Kong in Revolt: The Protest Movement and the Future of China (Pluto, 2020), labor campaigner and author Au Loong-Yu charts the origins of the movement, explores its internal dynamics and reflects on its significance for the future. To celebrate the book’s publication, ROAR associate editor Kai Heron interviewed Au about the protests and the future of struggles in China and Hong Kong, now wracked by the effects of COVID-19.


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Brazil: Militant mutual aid – the “Kasa Invisível” of Belo Horizonte

It may be deemed an exaggeration to say that mutual aid, as theorised and practised by anarchists, is both the distillation of perennial human practices of care underlying/surviving/resisting forms of centralised appropriation and domination, and the most important basis for contemporary anti-capitalist politics (in the broadest sense of the expression). Protest, insurrection, without the fabric of networks of mutual aid, fail; temporary “emergency assistance”, without roots or longevity in peoples everyday lives quickly shades into charity.

For this reason, we do not tire of sharing accounts and testimonials of mutual aid, and we congratulate the CrimethInc. collective for continuing to publish such accounts in this our times of pandemic.

Solidarity, Direct Action, and Self-Determination: Kasa Invisível

An Occupied Social Center Becomes a Hub of Mutual Aid in Belo Horizonte, Brazil

(28/09/2020)

Through interviews with the founders and participants, we explore how an occupied social center and housing collective in Brazil has continued to function as a hub for mutual aid through the pandemic. This is the third installment in a series exploring mutual aid projects around the world in the era of COVID-19.


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Chile: Militant mutual aid

From the Inhabit Territories collective, stories of mutual aid and rebellion (yes, they are not opposed) in chile …

The People Don’t Need Permission to Feed Each Other

Santiago de Chile’s community kitchens amid the pandemic and uprising

(27/09/2020)

Benito Brava

Archival photos from Archivo Fortín Mapocho

As a result of the October 2019 uprising, millions of Chileans have reconceptualized what it means to live and to fight. A new generation of frontliners has emerged as protesters learn to carve out territories for unauthorized public activities and defend them against the police.

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Black anarchists amid the insurrection

As a compliment to the previous post, we share an excellent article by Vanessa Taylor, published with Mic (30/07/2020).

How Black anarchists are keeping the protest movement alive

With a series of uprisings gripping the United States, President Trump has not hidden his disdain for protesters. Beyond his threats to Minneapolis protesters and questionable executive orders, Trump has time and time again directed his ire at one particular group: “anarchists.” Trump’s constant invoking of anarchists to describe all protesters generally is a calculated attempt to delegitimize ongoing struggles — that much can clearly be seen in one of Trump’s tweets from earlier this week, where he wrote that protesters in Portland and Seattle were “actually … sick and deranged anarchists and agitators.”

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Whose afraid of anarchists?

From the This is in decline collective

Judging from what comes from the mouths of the Donald Trump government and its servile media, the united states of america is seemingly on the brink of a nation wide “anarchist insurrection”. From “anarchist led” protests against racist police violence, to “professional anarchist agitators”, to major urban “anarchist jurisdictions” – with “antifa” thrown into the mix -, and only heavily militarised and right-wing militia intervention, so the tall tale goes, will bring the country back from chaos.

“Red scares” are not new to american politics and however preposterous the language is coming from this government, it should not be forgotten or ignored that such politics of fear and paranoia quickly translate (as they did in the past) into broadening surveillance, control, persecution, exile, incarceration, and death, and not only of the “reds”; they have always served to target people judged to be “dissident populations”.

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Amedeo Bertolo: Fanatics of freedom

Varese, November 21, 1962: the trial for the kidnapping of the Spanish vice consul, which began on November 13th, ends positively for the accused, who are sentenced to a minimum sentence. This shot, taken from “L’Agitazione del Sud”, attests to the favorable outcome for the young anti-fascists, who are immediately released (correction: Gianfranco Pedron and not Giancarlo). “After the death sentence of this Spanish comrade and the lack of reaction of other young anti-fascists whom we had addressed, it was decided rather hastily, also because times did not allow for procrastination, to take the Spanish consul of Milan hostage. We organized this action fairly amateurishly, and yet it worked anyway.” (Carmilla)

A central thesis animates the following essay by Amedeo Bertolo: for anarchism, freedom is inconceivable independently of equality, diversity and solidarity.

Fanatics of freedom

Amedeo Bertolo

(This essay was presented at the seminar “La libertà, le libertà, i libertari”, in Milan, 2-3 of December, 1989, later revised and published in Volontà, n. 3-4, 1996. An abridged English translation of a previous version of this writing was published as “Fanatics of Freedom” in Our Generation, vol. 23, n. 2 (1992), pp. 50-66. (An Our Generation Magazine archive is available online). What we share below, as part of our “writers of May 68” series, is a translation of Bertolo’s full text that was generously passed onto us, with changes, changes sometimes borrowed from the translation by A. Retter for Our Generation.)

I am a fanatical lover of freedom.

Michail Bakunin

Anarchism is an exaggeration of the idea of freedom.

Karl Popper


My title and the epigraphic quotations must already show very clearly which way my argument is to head. I hope that this will allow us to avoid losing our way in the labyrinth of the more than two hundred recognized meanings of the word “freedom”.(1) This “porous”, “proteiform”, constantly appearing word is probably the most used word in the world of politics, whether in its doctrine, its practice or in political news.(2) With the events in Eastern Europe over the past few months, the inflation in the use of the word freedom is in danger of reaching monstrous levels. And, as we all know, with inflation money loses value. With the current inflation in the use of the word freedom, too, its semantic value is in danger of plummeting with the speed of some South American currencies … Even the fascists feel themselves to have the right to speak of freedom, in one of its many aberrations, called “positive” freedom (to which we will return later). As indeed had Stalin, as had Wojtyla. Or, somewhat more nobly, as had Plotinus or Montesquieu. In Plotinus’ words: “Man becomes free when he moves towards the Good.”(3) Or from Montesquieu: “Freedom consists in being able to do what one must want” (italics mine) …(4)

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Amedeo Bertolo: Democracy and beyond

“Why, how can you ask such a question? You are a republican.”
A republican! Yes; but that word specifies nothing. Res publica; that is, the public thing. Now, whoever is interested in public affairs — no matter under what form of government — may call himself a republican. Even kings are republicans.”
“Well! You are a democrat?”
No.
“What!, you would have a monarchy?”
No.
“A Constitutionalist?”
God forbid.
“Then you are an aristocrat?”
Not at all!
“You want a mixed form of government?”
Even less.
“Then what are you?”
I am an anarchist.

Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, What is property?

What if freedom were the ability to make up our minds about what it was we wished to pursue, with whom we wished to pursue it, and what sort of commitments we wish to make to them in the process? Equality, then, would simply be a matter of guaranteeing equal access to those resources needed in the pursuit of an endless variety of forms of value. Democracy in that case would simply be our capacity to come together as reasonable human beings and work out the resulting common problems—since problems there will always be—a capacity that can only truly be realized once the bureaucracies of coercion that hold existing structures of power together collapse or fade away.

David Graeber, The Democracy Project: A History, a Crisis, a Movement

In this essay, Amedeo Bartolo mantains the apparent paradox that anarchy (as seen by anarchists) and democracy (in its most radical forms) are irreducibly different but at the same time mutually compatible. Democracy, even in its direct, participatory interpretations, cannot exhaust all the philosophical, ethical, “utopian” dimension of anarchism. But a “libertarian democracy” could be the political form of a feasible anarchy.

The essay we share below (part of our “writers of May 68” series), a third by Bartolo, is available online in an an English language translation by April Retter. We have made only minor changes.

Democracy and beyond

(This text was originally presented at the conference, “El anarquismo ante la crisis de las ideologias”, Barcelona, 1-3 of October, 1993, and subsequently published in Volontà, nº 4, 1994)

If understood to the letter, a democracy must be a stateless society …
Power belongs to the people insofar as the people truly exercise it themselves.

Giovanni Sartori

The concern in this essay is with democracy from an anarchist point of view and – secondarily – with anarchism from a democratic point of view. In the course of this reflection, I will occupy myself above all with those aspects of the two political and philosophical categories which are relevant to a confrontation between them, that is to say the essential differences and similarities between democracy and anarchism.

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Amedeo Bertolo: Authority, Power and Domination

Illustration by Angel Boligan Corbo

Amedeo Bertolo’s essay, “Power, authority and domination: a proposal of definition” is perhaps one of the most important that he wrote, for its rigour and for its theoretical and potential practical implications.

It is undoubtedly one of the clearest examples of his “method”, his insistence on conceptual clarification for the purpose of exploring and clarifying anarchism.

This is not to say that Bertolo has the last word on the subject, but the essay is undoubtedly a rich point of departure for any anarchist reflection (and beyond) on power and domination, and as a result, on freedom.

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Amedeo Bertolo: A life in anarchy

In this way, an iridescent and multiform anarchism is invented in which the militant but also the poet is recognised, which includes struggle, struggle but also life.

Amedeo Bertolo

[Anarchy is] neither a means, nor an end … it is rather a method. Anarchy can be understood as a principle which institutes a non-hierarchical society, in the same way that the State is the principle which institutes modern, hierarchical society. However I prefer to see it as an ethical ensemble of values, a constellation of values that can be synthesised with the words freedom, equality, solidarity, diversity. Therefore, it is an anarchy that is not a model of society, or rather, a not very interesting, abstract, utopian model, that can be useful, as the concept of a perfect circle may also be. But it is more useful to see anarchy as a constellation of values which should influence our daily action, individual and collective, personal and social.

Amedeo Bertolo, The Eulogy of Cider

We return to our series grouped under the title, “writers of May 68”, within which we have included Jaime SemprunMiguel Amorós, Eduardo Colombo and Amedeo Bertolo. The reference to “May 68” is a political metaphor in this instance, for aside from Semprun, the other three writers were in their respective countries of origin at the time (Amorós was in spain, Bertolo in italy, and Colombo in argentina), but all four writers would be profoundly marked by the events of May and would endeavour to rethink anarchism in the wake of those events.

Having already presented a selection of essays by Semprun and Amorós, and an introductory piece by Colombo concerned with anarchism in argentina, and an unfinished translation of his El espacio político de la anarquía: Esbozos para una filosofía política del anarquismo (interrupted for unavoidable contingencies), with this post we initiate a translation of a collection of essays by the fourth author of our group, Amedeo Bertolo.

To read Bertolo’s work is to engage with one of the most important anarchist writers of the second half of the 20th century (a writing that was never separable from his active militancy in the movement). If we speak in these terms, it is not however to defend an ideologue – one among others and if that were all, deserving only to be forgotten -, but one of the most careful and penetrating anarchist writers of the period.

In a collection of finely elaborated essays, Bertolo takes up a series of concepts of central importance to anarchist thought. In each case, the concept is examined, turned over, experimented upon, pushed to its limits, until what remains is a clarity of understanding that can continue to animate anarchist thought and practice, or should the concept fail the test, then justifiably re-thought or abandoned.

In the etymology of the term “method”, we find “a traveling, a journey”, literally “a path, track, road,”. Reading Bertolo is very much like setting out on a journey, a journey along paths that led to others, still yet unexplored ways. Bertolo calls to mind a botanical artist who begins with the flower, continues on to the leaves, the branches, the trunk, sinking then deep into the roots, to then better comprehend the flower, and all in great detail. It is a slow, meticulous writing that always reveals something new in what we thought was already understood, in what we took for granted and therefore in fact did not understand.

Our choice of essays is taken from the Italian language collection of Bertolo’s writings, published by Elèutera (a publishing house which he helped to found in 1986) under the title Anarchici e orgogliosi di esserlo (2017) and available online here.

There are French, Spanish and Portuguese language collections of the same, though not necessarily selecting all of the writings that appear in the Elèutera collection. We in turn will make a selection, to be published in different posts, following the pace of translation. Our hope is that the selection will offer an English language public a window onto Bertolo’s life in anarchy.

Acknowledgements

Three of the essays that we will share in English translation were passed onto us by others. They are: “Authority, Power and Domination”, “Fanatics of Freedom”, “Democracy and Beyond”. We have made changes to the translations only when we believed it was necessary

Our modest effort is dedicated to the memory of Amedeo.

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