Amedeo Bertolo: Authority, Power and Domination

Illustration by Angel Boligan Corbo

Amedeo Bertolo’s essay, “Power, authority and domination: a proposal of definition” is perhaps one of the most important that he wrote, for its rigour and for its theoretical and potential practical implications.

It is undoubtedly one of the clearest examples of his “method”, his insistence on conceptual clarification for the purpose of exploring and clarifying anarchism.

This is not to say that Bertolo has the last word on the subject, but the essay is undoubtedly a rich point of departure for any anarchist reflection (and beyond) on power and domination, and as a result, on freedom.

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Amedeo Bertolo: A life in anarchy

In this way, an iridescent and multiform anarchism is invented in which the militant but also the poet is recognised, which includes struggle, struggle but also life.

Amedeo Bertolo

[Anarchy is] neither a means, nor an end … it is rather a method. Anarchy can be understood as a principle which institutes a non-hierarchical society, in the same way that the State is the principle which institutes modern, hierarchical society. However I prefer to see it as an ethical ensemble of values, a constellation of values that can be synthesised with the words freedom, equality, solidarity, diversity. Therefore, it is an anarchy that is not a model of society, or rather, a not very interesting, abstract, utopian model, that can be useful, as the concept of a perfect circle may also be. But it is more useful to see anarchy as a constellation of values which should influence our daily action, individual and collective, personal and social.

Amedeo Bertolo, The Eulogy of Cider

We return to our series grouped under the title, “writers of May 68”, within which we have included Jaime SemprunMiguel Amorós, Eduardo Colombo and Amedeo Bertolo. The reference to “May 68” is a political metaphor in this instance, for aside from Semprun, the other three writers were in their respective countries of origin at the time (Amorós was in spain, Bertolo in italy, and Colombo in argentina), but all four writers would be profoundly marked by the events of May and would endeavour to rethink anarchism in the wake of those events.

Having already presented a selection of essays by Semprun and Amorós, and an introductory piece by Colombo concerned with anarchism in argentina, and an unfinished translation of his El espacio político de la anarquía: Esbozos para una filosofía política del anarquismo (interrupted for unavoidable contingencies), with this post we initiate a translation of a collection of essays by the fourth author of our group, Amedeo Bertolo.

To read Bertolo’s work is to engage with one of the most important anarchist writers of the second half of the 20th century (a writing that was never separable from his active militancy in the movement). If we speak in these terms, it is not however to defend an ideologue – one among others and if that were all, deserving only to be forgotten -, but one of the most careful and penetrating anarchist writers of the period.

In a collection of finely elaborated essays, Bertolo takes up a series of concepts of central importance to anarchist thought. In each case, the concept is examined, turned over, experimented upon, pushed to its limits, until what remains is a clarity of understanding that can continue to animate anarchist thought and practice, or should the concept fail the test, then justifiably re-thought or abandoned.

In the etymology of the term “method”, we find “a traveling, a journey”, literally “a path, track, road,”. Reading Bertolo is very much like setting out on a journey, a journey along paths that led to others, still yet unexplored ways. Bertolo calls to mind a botanical artist who begins with the flower, continues on to the leaves, the branches, the trunk, sinking then deep into the roots, to then better comprehend the flower, and all in great detail. It is a slow, meticulous writing that always reveals something new in what we thought was already understood, in what we took for granted and therefore in fact did not understand.

Our choice of essays is taken from the Italian language collection of Bertolo’s writings, published by Elèutera (a publishing house which he helped to found in 1986) under the title Anarchici e orgogliosi di esserlo (2017) and available online here.

There are French, Spanish and Portuguese language collections of the same, though not necessarily selecting all of the writings that appear in the Elèutera collection. We in turn will make a selection, to be published in different posts, following the pace of translation. Our hope is that the selection will offer an English language public a window onto Bertolo’s life in anarchy.

Acknowledgements

Three of the essays that we will share in English translation were passed onto us by others. They are: “Authority, Power and Domination”, “Fanatics of Freedom”, “Democracy and Beyond”. We have made changes to the translations only when we believed it was necessary

Our modest effort is dedicated to the memory of Amedeo.

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Raoul Vaneigem: A song of rebellion

Jean-Baptiste Lesueur (1749-1826). “Plantation d’un arbre de la Liberté”

We warmly thank the not bored collective for sharing their translation of the song, “Le Rameau de la liberté”, with words by Raoul Vaneigem.

A clarion call, a song for rebellion …

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Franco “Bifo” Berardi: The struggle for new subjectivities

Stanley Spencer, The Resurrection: Reunion

Last Wednesday, Franco “Bifo” Berardi affirmed in a public Zoom organised by the Untref [Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero] that politics had died. He was referring to politics as the belief that the will can create new collective projects and transform structures (extant between Machiavelli and Lenin). We are witnessing, he said, the collapse of the aggressive and long dominant white, male, colonial, capitalist mind (and politics seems to die with that culture). According to him, then, it is time to start from another place: from the poetic, the erotic and the right to defend new ways of life, to depart from the rotten corpse of capitalism. This is beautiful: the beauty of Bifo as the somatic luminous prophet of darkness shines in this reasoning with particular force. As he writes in a recent book: as the old people of the north die (and the fascism that beset us), we must create spaces for the new lives in danger, that of the young people of the south.

Among those who reject this prophetic discourse because they see it as lacking in “strategic thought”, there are optimists – who sustain the belief in politics on the basis of a crude diagnosis -, and there are pessimists – as there is no alternative to capitalist rot, the best thing would be to stick to politics as an activity without any strong conviction.

While Bifo spoke, the police of the province of Buenos Aires held a public protest, in which their demands for wages and working conditions gave way to a visible political threat (a growing reactionary threat in the region and in the country, where the police are a very important actor in this process). It is impossible to limit the reading of this episode to the precariousness of police work, without adding a word about the fact that the police continue to be an instrument (itself precarious) of regulation for a broader social precariousness (it would have been quite another thing, at least, to hear the police saying: “we no longer want to be the controllers of the precariousness of our communities”). When the media said that the armed police surrounded Olivos [official residence of the president of Argentina], it was inevitable for those of us of a certain age to remember the mobilisation in the streets and squares to avoid the military-carapintada coup, during the second half of the 1980s. Is Bifo right in saying that really existing politics is no longer capable of posing real problems (the problem of precariousness and exploitation with its burden of violence, the role of the police in that system), or that it is no longer capable of recreating new collective projects, or of proposing deep transformations?

If we accept that every conjuncture is defined by the coexistence of more than one simultaneous time, perhaps we can try to think that, if on the one hand conventional politics has lost its relationship with strategy (in a strong, critical, transforming sense) without the appearance of an alternative revolutionary politics to replace it; on the reverse side of the political – there where Bifo’s zoom counts – the invention of strategies is continually reborn, on new grounds, in new ways of conceiving perhaps the “will”, in new ways of feeling and thinking. In every formation of a new will, the problem of strategy is raised again, and perhaps a new concept of the “political” is proposed.

Diego Sztulwark

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The Uprising in Colombia

Insurrection, permanent insurrection, is the only way to breathe.

Franco “Bifo” Berardi, Disenz (22/06/2020)

From the CrimethInc. Collective (11/09/2020) …

The Uprising in Colombia: “An Example of What Is to Come”

A Report and Interview on the Background of the Revolt

The streets of several Colombian cities have erupted into conflict in the last two days in response to the brutal police murder of 43-year-old Javier Ordóñez, a lawyer and father of two in Bogotá, the nation’s capital. Ordóñez was peaceably drinking in the street in front of his friends’ apartment when police arrived and, without provocation, beat him and tased him 11 times. By the time he arrived at the hospital, after a further beating at the police station, he was already dead.

Video captured by Ordóñez’s friends and shared widely on social media sparked widespread protests in Bogotá, Cali, Medellín, Bucaramanga, Popayán, Ibagué, Barranquilla, Neiva, Tunja, and Duitama. In Bogotá alone, 56 police substations, called CAIs (Comandos de Atención Inmediata) were damaged, most of them burned. Although mainstream news is reporting eight people killed by police or paramilitaries on the first night, images circulating in Colombia on Thursday claimed 10, all but one of whom have been identified. The numbers of wounded vary by source. The New York Times claimed that a further 66 had suffered bullet wounds the night of September 9, with over 400 wounded in total.

Colombia has an intense history of violent state and paramilitary repression, which has only intensified during the pandemic. Under current president Ivan Duque, widely seen as a continuation of former president Álvaro Uribe’s corrupt narco-administration, the Colombian government has failed to uphold its side of the peace accords with demobilized guerrilla forces, and murders and disappearances of activists, dissidents, and revolutionaries have increased significantly.

In the following report and interview, we explore the background and implications of the latest chapter in a global wave of revolts against police and state repression. For more information on social struggles in Colombia and other parts of Latin America, consult Avispa Midia and PASC, the Colombia Solidarity Accompaniment Project, both of which contributed to this article.

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Ungovernable: An Interview with Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin

In the interview which we share below (William C. Anderson and published by the Black Rose Anarchist Federation, 11/08/2020), there is a lucidity and wisdom in the words Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin, words born of struggles, words that cannot be ignored.

For some, and for some anarchists, take of “dual power”, “transitional economies and politics”, “power to the people”, engender all manner of ghosts that should have been buried and forgotten with the failed “revolutions” of the past. And this critique is not without justification.

Others (or the same) will have difficulty with any talk of “black anarchism“.

And yet a politics of “pure protest” without the construction of parallel economies of needs, political forms of self-government, transitions and institutionalisations, mass mobilisations for the overthrow of the State and Capital, lead at best to “reformism”, and worst to the repeated tragedy-farce of more of the same.

The words of Lorenzo Kom’boa Ervin, to engage with and reflect upon (and in solidarity) …

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Thessaloniki: The struggle for a squat

It has been said before, but it is worth repeating, that an okupied social centre is not defined by the physical space occupied (appropriated from the circuits of capital accumulation) but by those who animate it and those to which the “occupiers” can reach out towards, and make feel that the space is equally a point of passage for them.

An okupied social centre is a threshold for new forms of life – however fragile and ephemeral -, a place and time where/when affects and relations of freedom and equality are created, where/when new subjectivities are engendered, and whose resilience rests on the force of the resonances that it creates.

Since coming to power in July of 2019, the “New Democracy” government of Kyriakos Mitsotakis has openly targeted okupied social centres in a drive to domesticate the country’s social life, most notably in the Exarchia neighbourhood of Athens, but in Thessaloniki as well.

The story that we share below is of the struggle for the Libertatia Squat, a struggle of occupations and evictions, of destruction and rebuilding, that echoes the struggle around the Can Vies Self-Managed Social Centre of Barcelona in 2014. And in both cases, we have testimonies of what can be described as militant or direct-action mutual aid can accomplish.

In solidarity with Libertatia …

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Julien Coupat et al: Things seen

Julien Coupat was one of the accused of the so-called “Tarnac” group. He is the author, along with others, of this text on “things seen” of May and August 2020. It was published simultaneously in Reporterre and Terrestres (04/09/2020) and is presented here in translation.

What have we seen in the last six months, since the emergence of the virus, since the avalanche of transformations it has produced? How to prevent the weight of habit and the force of amnesia from accustoming us to what was then new, unthinkable, terrifying? While it undoubtedly calls for other observations, other records and other re-considerations, this text offers a journey through the times in order to avoid, with the passage of time, that the extraordinary molt into the ordinary and that the fearsome becomes legal.

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… what Blackness does to and through anarchism

From Roarmag (08/09/2020), a reflection on “anarcho-blackness” …

The primordial mutiny of anarcho-Blackness

Marquis Bey

Anarcho-Blackness is a qualitative shift of what anarchism is and does, describing the insurgency that defines the abolition of hierarchy and the state.

Anarchism has long caught a bad rap, being likened to chaos and a negatively connoted devolution into pandemonium — “Things were pure anarchy!” we often hear. But anarchism, in fact, names a mode of relating to the world in non-statist, non-authoritative and directly participatory ways. That is, anarchism commits to engendering a world in which the state — understood as the primary progenitor of violence and not only an institution (or many institutions) but a way of relating to others as well — is abolished; no one has “authority” over others, which is to say that we are all in non-hierarchized relation to one another; and any and all rules or ethics that might affect someone ought to be decided upon in conversation with that person.

Black anarchism, then, is not simply Black people who agree with the aforementioned. Rather, Black anarchism refers to a qualitative shift in what anarchism is and does. This shift is what I have deemed “Anarcho-Blackness.”

Anarcho-Blackness is the analytic I use to think through Black anarchism. Someone like Carl Levy focuses on the “-ism” of anarchism, which defines anarchism as a social movement that arose in a specific time and location and is identifiable as a social movement with members and the like. For me to focus on the anarcho- is to emphasize the spirit of anarchic tendencies and modes of relation. It is a focus on a world-making sensibility rather than a particular political cadre of writing and movements.

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Amador Fernández-Savater: Questions engendered by a virus

A transcription (in translation) of a talk by Amador Fernández-Savater at a colloquium held in Madrid at Espacio La Atenea, “To Inhabit and to govern uncertainty. Reflecting together in confusing times ”. Wednesday, July 15. Published by the online magazine Ají.

To inhabit and to govern uncertainty

To pass through the coming times, we will need a great effort of creation, because what was there before no longer serves, it no longer works. Or at least its meaning is canceled or put in parentheses.

At the moment at which we find ourselves, an effort of invention is necessary in the ways of relating, of being and of sharing; or, we are going to live in what I would call a diminished (or mutilated or trimmed) reality. In the sense that we are going to live the old normality from before, the old normality with its relationship of production, work, consumption, etc., but without the many encounters with the other, which will be absent or limited.

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