India: A 100 years of liberal fascist solitude

Volunteers of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), during a so-called “Path Sanchalan” parade in Bhopal in 2016. (Source: Suyash Dwivedi)

From lundi matin (#434, 24/06/2024), an interview (largely in English) with the Indian anthropologist, Alpa Shah.

As a complement to this interview and to Alpa Shah’s work, we also share a series lectures, other interviews and links to articles. Her work invites a critical reflection on the understanding of democracy and the possibility of a kind of fascism cohabiting with electoral proceduralism. If there is any positive sense to the concept of “democracy”, then it must re-thought and practiced beyond the forms of “liberal-parliamentary” democracy.

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Against Liberal Fascism

War conducted by states against “communitarianism.” Implosion of popular communities. Negligence toward the weaving of our interdependences. And then, as if this social disaster wasn’t deep enough, emancipators who have nothing better to propose than the prisons of identity politics. A wretched fragmentation indeed.

To this, however, we may oppose another fragmentation, communal and generative in character, at odds with the production of value, beginning with the valorization of ourselves and our supposed identity. A fragmentation motivated by the joy of hospitality, which emerges in the welcoming of difference: communities through heterogenesis. These are the old anarchist values of mutual aid, forms of sharing that are always situated somewhere in particular, and which engender places that express them. These are the values that enable us to shun social determinations as well as any idea of foundation. We are all ungrounded [des effondrés]. We’re free to unfold our interdependencies over a multitude of paths that lead us to new perceptions and sensibilities. That is how we can overcome our fears in the face of the state-created chaos that is building up to new Armageddons.


From the Ill Will collective, an essay by Josep Rafanell i Orra (20/06/2024).


Neoliberal society is in freefall. As the fiction of a social totality crumbles away, we are increasingly confronted by two opposed forms of fragmentation: one designed to terrorize our souls, siphon our living energy, while hyper-mobilizing our bodies through constant exposure to vulnerability; another emerging within the cracks and caesurae of the economic order, through the restoration of a communal fabric of life in the passages between souls, fragment-by-fragment, until a life world comes alive between us. By insisting upon this distinction, the following text seeks to clarify a common misunderstanding related to the anti-political project of communist rupture: to push for desertion and secession from the political project of representation — a project defined first of all by its cultivated negligence toward our interdependencies on one another — does not “imply cutting ourselves off from a fantasized social body, but rather establishing fragmentary worlds within it, where the communities-in-process can materialize and we can relearn to cultivate hospitality and new ways to link together.”

First published in May 2024 on Lundi Matin, “Against Liberal Fascism” was written to accompany the Spanish translation of Josep Rafanell i Orra’s Fragment the World(Éditions Divergences, 2018). October of 2023 saw the release of a major follow-up work, entitled A Short Treatise on Cosmoanarchism, which will hopefully find its way into English translation shortly. For more of his writing in English, see “The World Returns,” “Carnivals and Revolt,” and “Crowds Against Pathology.”

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The Collapse of Zionism

21st Zionist Congress in Geneva, 1939. (Photo: via Wikimedia Commons, original uploader Golf Bravo)

From the New Left Review/Sidecar blog, we share a short article by Ilan Pappé (21/06/2024).


Hamas’s assault of October 7 can be likened to an earthquake that strikes an old building. The cracks were already beginning to show, but they are now visible in its very foundations. More than 120 years since its inception, could the Zionist project in Palestine – the idea of imposing a Jewish state on an Arab, Muslim and Middle Eastern country – be facing the prospect of collapse? Historically, a plethora of factors can cause a state to capsize. It can result from constant attacks by neighbouring countries or from chronic civil war. It can follow the breakdown of public institutions, which become incapable of providing services to citizens. Often it begins as a slow process of disintegration that gathers momentum and then, in a short period of time, brings down structures that once appeared solid and steadfast.

The difficulty lies in spotting the early indicators. Here, I will argue that these are clearer than ever in the case of Israel. We are witnessing a historical process – or, more accurately, the beginnings of one – that is likely to culminate in the downfall of Zionism. And, if my diagnosis is correct, then we are also entering a particularly dangerous conjuncture. For once Israel realizes the magnitude of the crisis, it will unleash ferocious and uninhibited force to try to contain it, as did the South African apartheid regime during its final days.

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What is dual power?

Via It’s Going Down

Video mini-documentary from subMedia.Tv on the anarchist concept of dual power.

Dual Power, sometimes referred to as counter-power, is a stage in a revolutionary movement where two competing political frameworks occupy the same space. For anti-state revolutionaries this implies a significant mobilization of people organizing autonomously and outside of and against existing power structures and institutions.

In this episode of A is for Anarchy, we examine the historical origins of dual power and analyze current examples and those throughout history.

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The Strategy of Separation

Raymond Depardon/Magnum

The main takeaway is this: if we find at the core of the French Revolution — “mother to all of us,” as Kropotkin says — the main currents of the later revolutionary movement, first and foremost the libertarian and the authoritarian and Jacobin ones, we must nevertheless recognize the limits of this filiation. While it is certain that the trove of inventions and organizational forms that animated the popular tradition between 1789 and 1793, in continuity with a much longer journey, are a feature of the revolutionary becoming that runs throughout the history of the oppressed, it is important to understand that neither constituent representation nor permanent revolution is a legacy for our party. Both of these poles enter into the ontological-political machine of modernity, which a destituent praxis sets out precisely to shatter. Deepening and weaving an underground pattern of forms and uses capable of affecting struggles without putting ourselves at their head, intensifying an autonomy in conflict without deferring to the language of politics also requires altering the coordinates that bind us to imaginary origins. Neither subversive progress nor the political regulation of equality, but the invention of radical novelty through the reservoir of communal heresies, separation, and ethical secessionism. We are the disorganizing party.

Michele Garau, The Strategy of Separation


The Ill Will collective has now published a series of essays by the Italian philosopher Michele Garau, significant essays, which through their language and their conceptual apparatuses, seek to challenge fossilised patterns of “radical leftist thought and practice”, while pointing to and endeavouring to sketch out new possibilities of destituent and separatist actions.

The importance of this work has led us to share the latest of the essays by this author published by Ill Will and we reference below the other essays that the collective has also published.

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France: For an anti-fascist uprising

From the Soulèvements de la terre, in France …


1 – The neo-fascist danger is real

All over Europe and the world, neo-fascist parties are seizing power. Everywhere in society their xenophobic and authoritarian ideas are spreading. However, there is no question of trivialising what happens to us. There is no question of normalizing a party founded by the SS and supporters of French Algeria.

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Radical Reprint: The Ludlow Strike

From Freedom News (16/06/2024)


In June 1914 much of that month’s edition of Freedom was given over to a lengthy analysis in the aftermath of the Ludlow Massacre, one of the most infamous strikebreaking incidents in United States history. The mass killing of striking coal miners and their families by National Guard soldiers and paramilitary thugs had shocked observers worldwide, with 21 people being killed and a ten-day running battle forcing Federal intervention.

Freedom had acquired a well-written and informed piece by Harry Kelly, a New York anarchist whose own father had worked in the mining trade, and there is a palpable sense of outrage in his writing, much of it directed at the villain of the piece, John D Rockerfeller Jr. One of life’s great hypocrites, JDR Jr was a darling of the liberal set, and even today biographies focus on his philanthropy. But that wealth and generosity towards churches and pretty buildings was built on his role sending murderous thugs to kill employees for daring to demand fair treatment as they toiled and died in his mines. Hie efforts to wash the stain clean led to, essentially, the invention of modern PR campaigning, but his efforts to make amends by visits and “listening” exercises never touched his personal means.

I’ll leave Kelly to put across the horror and detail of the events at Ludlow. What he could not have known then was that the bravery of those miners and the brutality of their treatment would have lasting effects. With protests against him and bombs aimed his way by furious radicals, Rockerfeller was shamed and frightened into introducing reforms to his company towns. No credit is due there, he could have done so at any time before feeling the pinch personally. Historically, the massacre and its legacy would be a vital lever in the campaign for both the eight-hour workday and the banning of child labour in the US. The Colorado miners’ bravery and sacrifice would affect the lives of millions, for generations to come.

-Rr

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For John Burnside (1955-2024)

Jean-Luc Bertini/Pasco&co

For John Burnside, “anarchist” poet and writer, who died this last month of May.


… a true anarchist … [does] … not need a glorious leader, or leaders, to save us from the nightmare. What we need, each of us, is to become our own anarchists—which is to say, to unlearn our conditioning and refuse to be led, thus transforming ourselves into free-thinking, self-governing spirits and, if we are fortunate indeed, to become one with the Way.

John Burnside, On Henry Miller Or; How to Be an Anarchist (The Anarchist Library)


Give me a little less
with every dawn:
colour, a breath of wind,
the perfection of shadows,

till what I find, I find
because it’s there,
gold in the seams of my hands,
and the night light, burning.

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Judith Butler: Fascist Passions

Judith Butler at the University of Bologna (07/05/2024); an urgent intervention for our times

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For James Morris Lawson Jr. (1928-2024)

James Lawson in Nashville, Tennessee, March 1, 1960 Paul Schleicher, Nashville Public Library Digital Collections

A free man thinks of death least of all things, and his wisdom is a meditation of life, not of death.

Baruch Spinoza, The Ethics

I think that we have to lay the seeds by which we can take government out of the hands of the oligarchy and out of the hands of the military and put it back into the hands of truth and the beloved community. That needs to be our goal in the twenty-first century, and I think that it’s a goal that we can achieve if all around the country ordinary people get involved in it.

James Morris Lawson Jr.


We have never categorically defended or condemned violence or nonviolence, independently of whether they are set forth as absolute or as circumstantial strategic and/or tactical means to ethical-political ends. We have expressed and shared views that cover the spectrum of positions on the debate. But we believe the debate to be open and we recognise the force of all of those who participate in it.

On this occasion, and in memory of the work and “revolutionary nonviolence” of the Reverend James Morris Lawson Jr., we share below the first two chapters from his book, Revolutionary Nonviolence: Organizing for Freedom (University of California Press, 2024), in which he passionately defends the power of nonviolence.

We precede this with a short biography of James Lawson from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee-SNCC website and succeed it with links to three important conversations with him around his own politics and his views on the Occupy Wall Street movement.

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