Jaime Semprun: The abyss repopulates itself

 

Among the things that people do not want to hear, and that they do not want to see, when in reality they are displayed right before their eyes, are the following: the fact that all the technological improvements that have simplified their lives so much that almost nothing living remains of them, that they have fostered the emergence of something that is no longer a civilization, that barbarism arises, like a natural phenomenon, from this simplified, mechanized, soulless life, and that, of all the terrible results of this experience of dehumanization to which they have made such a major contribution, the most terrifying is their progeny, since the latter is what, in the final analysis, upholds all the rest. That is why, when the citizen-ecologist attempts to pose the most disturbing question by asking, “What kind of world shall we leave to our children?”, he avoids posing this other, really disturbing question: “To what kind of children shall we leave the world?”

The barbarians do not come from a distant and backward periphery of commodity abundance, but from its very heart. Those who have been able to some extent to keep their sensibilities intact, and have striven to reduce their relations with the technologies of alienated life to a minimum, can be persuaded of this by going among those who have been formed and deformed since infancy by this apparatus of impoverishment; they are as far removed from nature as they are from reason, and by virtue of this hallmark we recognize barbarism.

Jaime Semprun

 

Jaime Semprun is among a generation of political militants marked by the events of May 68 in france and beyond, contributing to a body of theoretical work that paralleled and overlapped with that of the Situationists, and other heterodox marxists and anarchists.

Semprun (1947-2010) was writer, essayist, translator, publisher and perhaps most importantly, the founder and editor of Encyclopedie des Nuisances.

With other contemporaries and friends, it is a body of work that is often overlooked in the english speaking world.  In a series of posts, we will share texts by Jaime Semprun, Miguel Amorós, Amedeo Bertolo and Eduardo Colombo, texts which continue to speak to us today.

(We could rightfully include Tomás Ibáñez here, but if we do not, it is only because we have already posted some of his work in the past).

The portrayal of contemporary capitalist societies, in the essay that follows (posted on libcom.org), may be read as an extension of Guy Debord‘s The Society of the Spectacle.  The reign of “commodity fetishism” however now appears far more tenacious and destructive.  The spectacle of consumption, technological superstition and subservience, the atomisation of human beings, impotent “citizens” revolts, the intensification of the exploitation of those who still work and “nature”, all sustained by an erasure of history and the loss of the possibility of “truth”, render rebellion and revolution obscure and uncertain.  We have become like lost children, dazzled by the spectacle that we take for and as ourselves, ignorant of the disappearance of pasts and futures.

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Queer desire and revolution

If we behave like those on the other side, then we are the other side. Instead of changing the world, all we’ll achieve is a reflection of the one we want to destroy.

Jean Genet, The Balcony

Limited by the world, which I oppose, jagged by it, I shall be all the more handsome and sparkling as the angles which wound me and give me shape are more acute and the jagging more cruel.

Jean Genet, The Thief’s Journal

 

Toward the queerest insurrection

Mary Nardini Gang (The Anarchist Library)

I

Some will read “queer” as synonymous with “gay and lesbian” or “LGBT”. This reading falls short. While those who would fit within the constructions of “L”, “G”, “B” or “T” could fall within the discursive limits of queer, queer is not a stable area to inhabit. Queer is not merely another identity that can be tacked onto a list of neat social categories, nor the quantitative sum of our identities. Rather, it is the qualitative position of opposition to presentations of stability – an identity that problematizes the manageable limits of identity. Queer is a territory of tension, defined against the dominant narrative of white hetero monogamous patriarchy, but also by an affinity with all who are marginalized, otherized and oppressed. Queer is the abnormal, the strange, the dangerous. Queer involves our sexuality and our gender, but so much more. It is our desire and fantasies and more still. Queer is the cohesion of everything in conflict with the heterosexual capitalist world. Queer is a total rejection of the regime of the Normal.

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In praise of folly: Frente de Artistas del Borda

In the serene world of mental illness, modern man no longer communicates with the madman: on one hand, the man of reason delegates the physician to madness, thereby authorizing a relation only through the abstract universality of disease; on the other, the man of madness communicates with society only by the intermediary of an equally abstract reason which is order, physical and moral constraint, the anonymous pressure of the group, the requirements of conformity.

Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason

 

Since the 1980s, a group of artists, under the name of the Frente de Artistas del Hospital José Tiburcio Borda de Buenos Aires has struggled against the medicalisation and pathologisation of mad bodies, a process that has slowly or rapidly extended to the whole social body, potentially categorising all life as an illness.

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Creating other worlds: Defending the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes

Creation takes place in bottlenecks . . . A creator who isn’t grabbed around the throat by a set of impossibilities is no creator. A creator’s someone who creates their own impossibilities, and thereby creates possibilities . . . it’s by banging your head on the wall that you find a way through. You have to work on the wall, because without a set of impossibilities, you won’t have the line of flight, the exit that is creation, the power of falsity that is truth.

Gilles Deleuze

 

It is not possible to imagine revolution, however it is conceived, without creation; indeed, without the latter, there can be no revolution.

What then is creation, revolutionary creation?  If one could pretend to answer the question simply, then all that would be necessary to say is that it is that which maintains and feeds the possibility of further creation.

There is something fixed or static about a politics of okupation. “Stasis” in ancient greek suggested a “standing still”, which suggests fragility as much as strength.  Movement can topple or erode that which is too stable.  However, the word also suggested “assuming a position”, “taking a sand”, “standing forth” against an undesirable movement.  And here we can imagine two movements, the steady movement that sustains power, and that which resists-creates through holding back, retreating, stepping aside, hiding, standing up again, differently, and so on: a permanent contest or “agon”, only made possible by the levity or lightness with which struggle engaged.

The zad of Notre-Dame-des-Landes expressed this creativity in a multiplicity of ways, among which are the “light” habitats created by those who desired to care for themselves in ways from from those dictated by State and Capital.

A gathering is called for this weekend, in defense of the zad.  We share the call to gather below, along with a film (in french) celebrating the creative-resistance of the okupation.

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The call of anarchism: An identity made in practice

I believe that if those who feel called upon to act as guardians of the anarchist movement once realized how little it is in need of their guardianship, what a trifle each individual contribution is, even theirs, they would be content to fight the battle with the enemy as it develops (not as they preconceive it ought to develop); and not think it necessary to turn about and add their stripes to those who will be quite sufficiently beaten by the State, merely because such have not waged war as per the cold-blood, wisdom and experience of the gray heads of others.

Voltairine de Cleyre, Events Are the True Schoolmasters

 

Ruymán Rodríguez, anarchist associated with the Federación de anarquistas Gran Canaria (FAGC), has for over a number of years defended an anarchism in the streets, against mere ideological posturing and/or academic self-stimulation.  From his rich experience with the FAGC, created in the wake of the 15th of May movement (15M) in spain, he has consistently sought to think through the theory and practice of anarchism.

In the essay that we share below, in translation, Rodríguez champions an anarchism defined in practice.  But contrary to those who would today give second place to any “anarchist” identity, he contends that it is in this practice where the identity must be affirmed.  The essay is not an apology for blind and hyper-activism, while remaining silent over who one is politically, for fear of frightening others.  It is rather the defense of anarchist practice as anarchist.

What differences we have with Rodríguez, we have stated before.  In this instance, and leaving aside “philosophising”, as he refers to it, we have one question, or doubt.

Rodríguez writes below:

People want solutions to the problems that are overwhelming them, and when those solutions are achieved with anarchist weapons, those are the weapons strapped on the waist or held between the teeth, without caring for other considerations. When your social work is efficient and offers positive results, people associate your anarchism with immediacy and realism. That is the basis of everything.

Anarchism, in any guise (and we defend no particular variety), cannot ignore what used to be called the “social question”: issues of poverty, employment, housing, food and the like.  More, and with Rodríguez, an anarchism that fails to address the needs of people is condemned to die.  But what our needs are, and how they should be met, are eminently political and ethical questions that cannot be addressed exclusively at the level of “needs”, but only at the level of “ideas” (this dualism is itself false).  And should anarchism be pressed into choosing between practice or theory (as Rodríguez forces on occasion), then there is a real danger of appropriation: not intellectual or cultural, in this instance (e.g., anarchism’s expansion in the academy), but political, for State or corporate authorities may pretend to respond to “needs” more “successfully”.

Anarchism is not a better way to address needs; it is the freedom to define and create needs, with others, where and when desired.

(For other writings by Rodríguez in English, click here).

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The loss of consciousness

(James Rosenquist, House of Fire)

The Suicide’s Defense

(Of all the stupidities wherewith the law-making power has oignaled its own incapacity for dealing with the disorders of society, none appears so utterly stupid as the law which punishes an attempted suicide. To the question “What have you to say in your defense?” I conceive the poor wretch might reply as follows.)

To say in my defense? Defense of what?
Defense to whom? And why defense at all?
Have I wronged any? Let that one accuse!
Some priest there mutters I “have outraged God”!
Let God then try me, and let none dare judge
Himself as fit to put Heaven’s ermine on!
Again I say, let the wronged one accuse.
Aye, silence! There is none to answer me.
And whom could I, a homeless, friendless tramp,
To whom all doors are shut, all hearts are locked,
All hands withheld — whom could I wrong, indeed
By taking that which benefited none
And menaced all?
Aye, since ye will it so,
Know then your risk. But mark, ‘tis not defense,
‘Tis accusation that I hurl at you.
See to’t that ye prepare your own defense.
My life, I say, Is an eternal thleat
To you and yours; and therefore it were well
T0 have foreborne your unasked services.
And why? Because I hate you! Every drop
Of blood that circles in your plethoric veins
Was wrung from out the gaunt and sapless trunks
Of men like me. who in your cursed mills
Were crushed like grapes within the wine-press
ground.
To us ye leave the empty skin of life;
The heart of it, the sweet of it, ye pour
To fete your dogs and mistresses withal!
Your mistresses! Our daughters! Bought, for bread,
To grace the flesh that once was father’s arms!

Yes, I accuse you that ye murdered me!
Ye killed the Man — and this that speaks to you
Is but the beast that ye have made of me!
What! Is it life to creep and crawl an beg,
And slink for shelter where rats congregate?
And for one’s ideal dream of a fat meal?
Is it, then, life, to group like pigs in sties,
And bury decency in common filth,
Because, forsooth, your income must be made,
Though human flesh rot in your plague-rid dens?
Is it, then, life, to wait another’s nod,
For leave to turn yourself to gold for him?
Would it me life to you? And was I less
Than you? Was I not born with hopes and dreams
And pains and passions even as were you?

But these ye have denied. Ye seized the earth,
Though it was none of yours, and said: “Hereon
Shall none rest, walk or work, till first to me
Ye render tribute!” Every art of man,
Born to make light of the burdens of the world,
Ye also seized, and made a tenfold curse
To crush the man beneath the thing he made.
Houses, machines, and lands — all, all are yours;
And us you do not need. When we ask work
Ye shake your heads. Homes? — Ye evict us. Bread? —
“Here, officer, this fellow’s begging. Jail’s
the place for him!” After the stripes, what next?
Poison! — I took it! — Now you say ‘twas sin
To take this life which troubled you lo much.
Sin to escape insult, starvation, brands
Of felony, inflicted for the crime
Of asking food! Ye hypocrites! Within
Your secret hearts the sin is that I failed!
Because I failed ye judge me to the stripes.
And the hard tail denied when I was free.
So be it. But beware! — a Prison cell,s
An evil bed to grow morality!
Black swamps breed black miasms; sickly soils
Yield poison fruit; snakes warmed to life will sting.
This time I was content to go alone;
Perchance the next I shall not be so kind.

Voltairine de Cleyre, Philadelphia, September 1894

 

Voltairine de Cleyre’s poem, “The Suicide’s Defense”, is a cry of hatred against the violence of the State and capitalism.  And it threatens those who would punish the suicide attempt with a generalised violence against the violence of exploitation and oppression.

Robert Kurz’s essay “Economy and Consciousness” (palim-psao.fr) speaks of the loss of consciousness under the reign of contemporary commodity fetishism or spectacle capitalism.  But the cry seems absent.

What separates the two texts may be thought to be the loss of that which formally fueled rebellion.  But there is more than the tragic expansion of capitalism at play.  If we share Kurz’s essay, it is because  the marxist “school” of the critique of value continues to provide some of the most powerful interpretations of Capital.  But it is blind to the pain and rebelliousness that simmers beneath the production of goods; a pain that engenders the uncivil “monsters” lying beneath the sleek flow of of regimented order.

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Reflections on the ongoing prison strike

Imprisonment has become the response of first resort to far too many of the social
problems that burden people who are ensconced in poverty. These problems often are
veiled by being conveniently grouped together under the category “crime” and by the
automatic attribution of criminal behavior to people of color. Homelessness,
unemployment, drug addiction, mental illness, and illiteracy are only a few of the
problems that disappear from public view when the human beings contending with them
are relegated to cages.

Prisons thus perform a feat of magic. Or rather the people who continually vote in new
prison bonds and tacitly assent to a proliferating network of prisons and jails have been
tricked into believing in the magic of imprisonment. But prisons do not disappear
problems, they disappear human beings. And the practice of disappearing vast numbers
of people from poor, immigrant, and racially marginalized communities has literally
become big business.

Angela Davis, Masked Racism: Reflections on the Prison Industrial Complex  

 

The prison…functions ideologically as an abstract site into which undesirables are deposited, relieving us of the responsibility of thinking about the real issues afflicting those communities from which prisoners are drawn in such disproportionate numbers…It relieves us of the responsibility of seriously engaging with the problems of our society, especially those produced by racism and, increasingly, global capitalism.

Angela Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete?

 

With the prison strike initiated in the united states continuing, a statement from the media service of the strikers and a reflection on the strike’s challenge to the intensification of the exploitation of labour under incarceration …

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To bring down prisons

 

What is the real basis of punishment, however? The notion of a free will, the idea that man is at all times a free agent for good or evil; if he chooses the latter, he must be made to pay the price. Although this theory has long been exploded, and thrown upon the dustheap, it continues to be applied daily by the entire machinery of government, turning it into the most cruel and brutal tormentor of human life. The only reason for its continuance is the still more cruel notion that the greater the terror punishment spreads, the more certain its preventative effect.

Emma Goldman, Prisons

 

So long as there are prisons, the most courageous, sensitive, and beautiful among us will end up inside them, and the most courageous, sensitive, and beautiful parts of the rest of us will be inaccessible to us. Every one of us can become a prisoner. No one is truly free until all of us are free.

CrimethInc. Collective

 

What separates the prison from the rest of society are but the walls of the former.  But the walls multiply and proliferate, criss-cross and overlap, such that the walls isolating the prison lose distinctness.  The prison mirrors society (e.g. prison labour for “outside” sale) and society mirrors the prison.  The struggle against State and capitalist authoritarianism cannot then but embrace the struggle against prisons, as the these latter are the ultimate form of human domination and oppressive social organisation.

We share a text from the CrimethInc. Collective, in solidarity with the current united states prison strike and with anarchist prisoners.

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The limits of capitalism: Challenging the fetishism of labour and money

 

Capital is nothing more than value that must be valorized, which is to say augmented. Value empirically takes the form of money and in that sense its valorization can be illustrated in Marx’s famous formula M–C–M’ [M prime], that is money–commodity–more money. We can call this an end-in-itself motion because the same thing is at the beginning and the end of this endless augmentation loop: money is turned into more money. Value (in the form of money) therefore again and again refers to itself alone and the sole objective of this movement is the constant accumulation of surplus value. By its own internal logic, this end-in-itself motion does not recognize any limits. Because of its purely abstract-quantitative nature, it must, in principle, continue endlessly. That is the basis for the incessant drive for growth in capitalist society—which, as we all know, is destroying the basis of human existence on earth.

Norbert Trenkle

 

The marxist inspired critique of value offers an impressive theoretical framework for the understanding of the fetish-like nature of capitalist social relations.  It challenges the illusions of anti-capitalist politics centred on the liberation of work from capitalist exploitation, or on the legally imposed reform of the conditions of work, or, more recently, on nationalist “populist” promises of getting everyone back to work.  The problem is work itself, as the essential mediating relationship of all social life within capitalist societies.  Thus any meaningful radical politics against the reign of capital must begin by challenging the centrality of labour, along with commodity production and money as the end of “economic” activity.  Any piecemeal tinkering with these relations (through appeals to moral or legal restraint, calls for business ethics, for consuming more responsibly, demands for a “green” capitalism, and the like) will, at best, provide a brief respite for a privileged few, but ultimately, in our present of permanent crises, only render matters worse.

(This also obliges anarchists to critically reflect upon the creation of autonomous social relations under capitalism.  This would not be to dismiss the effort – far from it – but rather to point to the need to constantly reflect upon practices that pretend, rightly or wrongly, to free us from capitalist social relations).

It is not that the critique value cannot also be criticised (especially when it tends to ignore the social conditions necessary for the reproduction of capitalist social relations and the fissures or cracks that appear in the social body, in the securing of these conditions; the very cracks where autonomies can be constructed).  But much can also be learned from it.

We have on more than a few occasions translated and/or shared essays by authors such as Robert Kurz, Norbert Trenkle, Moishe Postone, Anselm Jappe and collective work by the Krisis collective, Manifesto Against Labour, of 1999.  On this occasion, we share a keynote lecture by Norbert Trenkle given at the International Conference
“Rethinking the Future of Work”, April 27 – 28, 2018, ICUB Research Institute of the University of Bucharest.

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Lessons from argentina: The FORA and Emilio López Arango

 

Emancipation isn’t a problem of mechanics nor an issue that can be resolved through technical means. A worker may be able to run a factory or put in motion all the machinery of an industry, but there isn’t in those attitudes the moral capacity to prevent servility and elevate oneself to a higher level.

Emilio López Arango, Means of struggle

 

The struggle for bread is not enough. Let us capture in the consciousness of man the value of the loss of individuality, establishing a moral resistance to the monstrous constructions of capitalism and opposing to material reality a reality of spirit.

Emilio López Arango, The Resistance to capitalism

 

Argentina’s Federación Obrera Regional Argentina or the FORA, founded in 1905 as an explicitly anarchist-communist labour organisation, offers a rich example – an example theorised in the writings of Emilio López Arango – of a mass anarchist labour movement that endeavoured to navigate between the shoals of reformist labour unionism and anarcho-syndicalism.

If we take López Arango as our guide, the FORA’s ambition was to ground anarchist politics in the practices of everyday working class struggles, thereby overcoming the risks of ideological sterility (and authoritarianism) in the former and reformism in the latter. 

The FORA would finally weaken under a variety of pressures – including the assassination of López Arango -, but it continues to offer an illustration of the necessity of anarchism to remain vitally tied to struggles, as they emerge in different contexts, pushing them always beyond their limits, multiplying their interconnections (an exclusive appropriation of the means of production, or a conquest of the State and nothing more, would be no revolution for López Arango), against the restraints of capitalist social relations.   

Following Robert Graham’s Anarchism Weblog, we share a text by Scott Nappalos on Argentina’s FORA, and another text by one of the principal figures of the movement, López Arango …

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