The Paris Commune: Karl Marx

The work of Karl Marx on the Paris Commune of 1871 remains central for the understanding of the Commune as a “revolution”. We share below a text known as The Third Address of May 30th, 1871, part of a collection of addresses to the General Council of the International, published under the title, The Civil War in France, also of 1871.

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The Paris Commune: Mikhail Bakunin

I am a supporter of the Paris Commune, which for all the bloodletting it suffered at the hands of monarchical and clerical reaction, has nonetheless grown more enduring and more powerful in the hearts and minds of Europe’s proletariat. I am its supporter, above all, because it was a bold, clearly formulated negation of the State.

… the coming international revolution, expressing the solidarity of the peoples, shall be the resurrection of Paris.

Mikhail Bakunin

The Paris Commune and the Idea of the State

This work, like all my published work, of which there has not been a great deal, is an outgrowth of events. It is the natural continuation of my Letters to a Frenchman (September 1870), wherein I had the easy but painful distinction of foreseeing and foretelling the dire calamities which now beset France and the whole civilized world, the only cure for which is the Social Revolution.

My purpose now is to prove the need for such a revolution. I shall review the historical development of society and what is now taking place in Europe, right before our eyes. Thus all those who sincerely thirst for truth can accept it and proclaim openly and unequivocally the philosophical principles and practical aims which are at the very core of what we call the Social Revolution.

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The Paris Commune: Louise Michel

Anarchy is not a new idea; writers long before Saint-Just believed that a person who makes himself a leader commits a crime.

Louise Michel

It is not possible to read Louise Michel’s memoires without being swept away by the passion with which she wrote them. The years that separate her words and the events of the Commune from us seem to vanish, as she herself said of her own act of writing years after the revolution.

In my mind I feel the soft darkness of a spring night. It is May 1871, and I see the red reflection of flames. It is Paris afire. That fire is a dawn, and I see it still as I sit here writing. Memory crowds in on me, and I keep forgetting that I am writing my memoirs.

If revolutions live on in the embers of futures yet to come, because there present is lived outside time, it is because, we believe, they are moments of poetic-ethical intensity. Louise Michel lived this and expressed it as perhaps few others have.

Some people say I’m brave. Not really. There is no heroism; people are simply entranced by events. What happens is that in the face of danger my perceptions are submerged in my artistic sense, which is seized and charmed. Tableaux of the dangers overwhelm my thoughts, and the horrors of the struggle become poetry.

It wasn’t bravery when, charmed by the sight, I looked at the dismantled fort of Issy, all white against the shadows, and watched my comrades filing out in night sallies, moving away over the little slopes of Clamart or toward the Hautes Bruyeres, with the red teeth of chattering machine guns showing on the horizon against the night sky. It was beautiful, that’s all. Barbarian that I am, I love cannon, the smell of powder, machine-gun bullets in the air.

I am not the only person caught up by situations from which the poetry of the unknown emerges. I remember a student who didn’t agree with our ideas (although he agreed even less with the other side’s), who came to shoot with us at Clamart and at the Moulin de Pierre. He had a volume of Baudelaire in his pocket, and we read a few pages with great pleasure—when we had time to read. What fate held for him I don’t know, but we tested our luck together. It was interesting. We drank some coffee in the teeth of death, choosing the same spot where three of our people, one after another, had been killed. Our comrades, anxious about seeing us there at what seemed to be a deadly place, made us withdraw. Just after we left a shell fell, breaking the empty cups. Above all else, our action was simply one of a poet’s nature, not bravery on either his part or mine.

What could remain of a life, of her life, after the Commune, except to testify to it, for all to see.

The Commune, surrounded from every direction, had only death on its horizon. It could only be brave, and it was. And in dying it opened wide the door to the future. That was its destiny.

What follows are selections from Louise Michel’s, The Memoires (1886), focusing upon the Paris Commune and closing with her “final thoughts”.

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The Paris Commune

To arrive at the unknown through the disordering of all the senses, that’s the point.

Arthur Rimbaud

We share the words and sentiment of Mitchel Abidor, when he writes that the “Paris Commune of 1871 has been a blank screen upon which schools of radical thought have sought to project their interpretation.” (Abidor, Voices of the Paris Commune) This is true of both Anarchists and Marxists, and beyond.

The mistake has been, in its crudest form, to insist on the facts of the event, to relate them, to identify their causes, and to explain the failure of the Commune given these objective circumstances. From the diagnosis follows the prescription of the cure: the lessons for future revolutions.

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For March 8: Feminist voices from latin america

The La Tinta media collective, with the support of the The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, has produced an excellent series of video interviews with feminist writers and activists from across latin america; feminist’s who speak in many voices and who take us on critical and radical journey’s through our world. To share …

27 November Humus: fertile land to sow rebellion

A nine-chapter web series with interviews with women, lesbians, transvestites, non-binaries from Latin America, whose voices become key contributions in the production of critical and emancipatory thinking.

With clarity, plurality, critically and creatively, María Galindo, Rita Segato, Lorena Cabnal, Nora Cortiñas, Marlene Wayar, María del Carmen Verdú, Gloria Muñoz, Gladys Tzul Tzul and Raquel Gutiérrez Aguilar, address the anti-patriarchal and feminist struggles, the processes of decolonisation of our history, communal policies in our indigenous worlds, struggles against extractivism and dispossession in territories that are strategic mineral reserves for transnational capital, the strategies and forms of repressive apparatus, the insistence on memory, among others issues that account for a complex network of resistance at the Latin American regional level.

27 Nov Humus: tierra fértil para sembrar la rebeldía

Serie web de nueve capítulos con entrevistas a mujeres, lesbianas, travestis, no binaries de América Latina, cuyas voces se vuelven aportes claves en la producción de pensamiento crítico y emancipador.

Con claridad, pluralidad, criticidad y creatividad, María Galindo, Rita Segato, Lorena Cabnal, Nora Cortiñas, Marlene Wayar, María del Carmen Verdú, Gloria Muñoz, Gladys Tzul Tzul y Raquel Gutiérrez Aguilar, abordan las luchas antipatriarcales y feministas, los procesos de descolonización de nuestra historia, las políticas comunales en nuestros mundos indígenas, las luchas contra el extractivismo y el despojo en territorios que son reservas estratégicas de minerales para el capital transnacional, las estrategias y formas de aparato represivo, la insistencia de la memoria, entre otros temas que dan cuenta de un complejo entramado de resistencias a nivel regional latinoamericano.

(Each video is available with subtitles in multiple languages)

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Rita Segato: Reading patriarchy

It will be necessary to shake the fantasy of the state, the fantasy of law, the safe harbor and terra firma sustaining the patriarchal and state certainties that impede our advancement. It will be necessary, for example, to reexamine the unachievable, inclusive formula of human rights, “different but equal,” which papers over the persistent, unassailable binary asymmetry in which a masculine subject who pretends to be universal prevails. It will be necessary to suggest instead “unequal but different,” a formula based in the explicitly hierarchical structure of communitarian worlds, but radically pluralist. Such a formula would undoubtedly open a better path to a style adequate to women’s politics. It will also be necessary to invert the feminist slogan of the 1970s, according to which “the personal is political.” The paradoxical result of this slogan was a pious faith in the state, an investment in the achievement of victories in the state realm, in the achievement of more laws and public policies that could limit gendered violence in intimate contexts. The approach that I propose is not a translation of the domestic into public terms, or an insistence on rendering the intimate in the language of the public in order to achieve a measure of recognition by the politics of the state. I propose instead the opposite approach: domesticating politics, de-bureaucratizing it, humanizing it by transposing it into a domestic key, but where the “domestic” is re-politicized. The constant failures of the strategy of taking state power, whether by force or elections, in order to redirect history show that this cannot be the answer. We have never managed to reach our destination through the seizure of the state, because state power has ultimately imposed its reason on those who wield it. It has remained the site of an administrative elite that retains its colonial lineage. We should instead recognize and reclaim the plurality of spaces and the politics of different styles offered by communal life—in the village, between villages, and at the colonial front—remaining mindful of their differences from patriarchal politics. In the meantime, the way forward is amphibious, involving work inside and outside the state realm, work in both intra- and extra-state politics, reconstructing communities that are under attack and that have been dismembered by the colonial and state interventions called modernization.

Rita Segato,

On the occasion of the 8th of March, International Women’s day, we share through an interview, an essay, a video interview, the reflective work of Rita Laura Segato; a work that we consider amongst the most important in contemporary feminism.

Rita Segato: “A failure of feminist thought is to believe that gender violence is a problem for men and women”

(El Ciudadano 02/09/2017/La tinta 22/09/2017)

Rita Segato holds a doctorate in anthropology and is a researcher. She is probably one of the most lucid feminist thinkers of this age. She has written innumerable works based on her research with rapists in the Brasilia penitentiary, as an anthropological and gender expert in the historic Guatemalan trial in which members of the Army were tried and sentenced for the first time for crimes of sexual slavery and violence against Mayan women of the Kékchi ethnic group, and was invited to Ciudad Juárez, Mexico to present her interpretation of the hundreds of femicides perpetrated in that city. Her resume is long and impressive.

Beyond all scandalizing prejudice, Segato has proposed an in-depth look at lethal violence against women, understanding femicides as a problem that transcends gender to become a symptom, or better, an expression of a society that it needs a “pedagogy of cruelty” to destroy and nullify compassion, empathy, ties and local and community roots. In other words, all those elements that become an obstacle in a “predatory” capitalism, a capitalism that depends on such a pedagogy of cruelty to teach.

It is, in this sense, that the exercise of cruelty on the body of women, but that also extends to homophobic or trans crimes, all of these kinds of violence “are nothing other than the discipline that patriarchal forces impose on all those of us who inhabit the margin of politics, they are the crimes of the high intensity modern colonial patriarchy, against everything that destabilises it ”. The instructive message that this high intensity patriarchal capitalism needs to impose on all of society is written on these bodies.

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In solidarity with Ruymán Rodríguez

Ruymán Rodríguez of the Federación Anarquista Gran Canaria faces a fine and imprisonment for the trumped up charge of aggression against police when arrested, held and violently interrogated illegally.

Ruymán Rodríguez’s crime is to be an anarchist, an anarchist whose political engagement is lived daily “in the streets“.

In solidarity, we share a statement from the Federación and a text by Ruymán, “A judgement”.

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The Kronstadt Uprising: A View from within the Revolt

From the CrimethInc. collective, an excellent review of and reflection on the Kronstadt Rebellion …

The Kronstadt Uprising: A View from within the Revolt

On the 100-Year Anniversary of the Rebellion

In March 1921, an uprising on the island fortress of Kronstadt shook Russia, starkly illustrating the conflicts within the Russian revolution. To observe the 100-year anniversary of the revolt, we present an overview of the questions that were at stake in the struggle, following by a full chronology of the events, illustrated by selections from contemporary historical documents—including the entire text of all 14 issues of the newspaper published by the Kronstadt rebels, the Izvestia [news] of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Sailors, Soldiers, and Workers of the Town of Kronstadt.1 Though many different factions have attempted to portray the Kronstadt uprising according to many different ideological frameworks, this is a rare opportunity to see the rebellion from the vantage point of the rebels themselves.

An English-language facsimile of the third issue of the Izvestia [news] of the Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Sailors, Soldiers, and Workers of the Town of Kronstadt.

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Remembering the Kronstadt Rebellion (III)

On 1 March, 1921, the Kronstadt Soviet rose in revolt against the regime of the Russian “Communist” Party. The Civil War was effectively over, with the last of the White armies in European Russia defeated in November, 1920. The remaining battles in Siberia and Central Asia were over the territorial extent of what would become the USSR the following year. Economic conditions, though, remained dire. In response, strikes broke out across Petrograd in February, 1921. The sailors of Kronstadt sent a delegation to investigate the strikes.

100 Years Since the Kronstadt Uprising: To Remember Means to Fight!

International anarchist statement on the centenary of the 1921 Kronstadt Uprising

“Let the workers of the whole world know that we, the defenders of the power of the soviets, will watch over the gains of the social revolution. We will conquer or perish beneath the ruins of Kronstadt, fighting the righteous cause of the working masses. The toilers the world over will sit in judgement of us. The blood of innocents will be upon the heads of the Communists, savage madmen drunk on power. Long live the power of the soviets!”

– The Provisional Revolutionary Committee of Kronstadt

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Remembering-living the Paris Commune

The 150th Anniversary of the Paris Commune: A Call from the Gilets Jaunes of Montreuil

(From paris-luttes.info 24/02/2020; lundi matin #277, 01/03/2021)

The 18th of March, 2021, long live the Commune, and long live the Gilets Jaunes/Yellow Vests!!

On November 17, 2018, we, the little people, those without rights, the first in drudgery, put on a yellow vest and occupied roundabouts, squares, streets …

With one word on the back: justice!

Conjugated as social justice, fiscal justice, ecological justice, and, in our heads, a mad hope: direct democracy, by the people, and for the people!

Since that day, a rain of freedom-killing laws has descended upon us, aimed at stripping us of all means of defence in the face of the absolutism of power.

On March 18, 1871, the little people, those without rights, the first in drudgery, took up arms, erected barricades, fraternised with the troops, rose up, to give substance to their dream of … direct democracy, by the people and for the people !

They defended their canons, the only guarantors of their security in the face of the arbitrariness and villainy of the power that wanted to enslave them.

1871-2021, same fight against so-called states of “emergency”, which systematically disarm or suppress protest movements.

We, the Gilets Jaunes of Montreuil, still thirsty for justice, call on all the Gilets Jaunes of the Universe to pay homage to all of the revolutionaries of yesterday and today, to commemorate the humanist advances of the Council of the Commune of 1871, and to reiterate our demands of 2018, the main one being direct democracy, by the people and for the people!

On March 18, 2021, we take back our roundabouts, our squares, the street! We light our braziers, we celebrate and we continue to fight for a better world!!!

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