Against labour, against capital … play!

In the domain of our life excess manifests in itself in so far as violence wins over reason. Work demands the sort of conduct where effort is in a constant ration with productive efficiency. It demands rational behaviour where the wild impulses worked out on feast days and usually in games are frowned upon. If we were unable to repress these impulses we should not be able to work, but work introduces the very reason for repressing them. These impulses confer an immediate satisfaction on those who yield to them. Work, on the other hand, promises to those who overcome them a reward late on whose value cannot be disputed except from the point of view of the present moment. From the earliest times work has produced a relaxation of tension thanks to which men cease to respond to the immediate urge impelled by the violence of desire. No doubt it is arbitrary always to construct the detachment fundamental to work with tumultuous urges whose necessity is not constant. Once began, however, work does make it impossible to respond to these immediate solicitations which could make us indifferent to the promised desirable results. Most of the time, work is the concern of men acting collectively and during the time reserved for work the collective has to oppose those contagious impulses to excess in which nothing is left but the immediate surrender to excess, to violence, that is. Hence the human collective, partly dedicated to work, is defined by taboos without which it would not have become the world of work that it essentially is.

Georges Bataille, Erotism.

The critique of labour is not limited to marxist inspired theorising.  If the Krisis Group has developed a conceptually sophisticated analysis of the oppression of abstract labour and commodity production, anarchist writers, if not uniformly and with one voice, have also not been sparing in their condemnation work.  The conceptual framework varies though, opening up other possibilities of understanding and of radical anti-capitalist politics.  There are tensions between these two traditions (to state matters very simply, the Krisis Group place abstract labour-commodity production at the centre of their analysis of capitalist society, with all contemporary social relations being read off this centre, while anarchists – and other critical theorists – have tended to understand commodity production as dependent on other “non-economic” relations of social reproduction) and within anarchism itself.  But there are also commonalities.

We then begin, from within anarchism, with Bob Black’s the Abolition of Work, originally published in 1985, and revised in 1991.  (From Bob Black’s website Inspiracy).

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Against labour, against capital: Anti-politics against capitalism

A precondition for reestablishing the perspective of action is to make a final and clear break with all “politics” in the institutional sense. Today, the only possible form of “politics” is radical separation from the world of politics and its institutions, of representation and delegation, in order to invent and replace it with new forms of direct intervention.

Anselm Jappe

Anselm Jappe continues in the theoretical work of the Krisis Group and in the essay that we share below, draws out the political consequences of the critique of capitalist abstract labour and commodity production.  (Published at libcom.org).

Anselm Jappe rejects the traditional concept of politics and proposes a post-political politics appropriate for the crisis conditions of our time, a politics whose task is to “at least preserve the possibility for future emancipation against the dehumanization imposed by the commodity” and is based on a combination of non-representational direct action, the rehabilitation of the idea of sabotage, and anti-capitalist theory that transcends the fixed boundary between praxis and theory, without succumbing to the temptation to seek immediate results by yielding to traditional political attitudes and methods.

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Against labour, against capital: Marx’s theory, the crisis and the abolition of capitalism: An interview with Robert Kurz

Liberation is a historical fact and therefore cannot be theoretically “deduced” like the falling rate of profit. The famous “objective subject” of traditional Marxism is nothing but a category of capital itself, or a function of the “automatic subject” (Marx) of abstract labor and of value. There is no social group in capitalism that possesses a transcendent ontological pre-determination. All social groups are pre-formed by value and are therefore constituted in a capitalist way. When one speaks of “interests” it is necessary to make a distinction. There are, on the one hand, the vital interests of people, of material, social and cultural contents, which are identical to their historical needs. These contents are, on the other hand, bound up with the capitalist form. The real content of needs is thus perceived as secondary; only the capitalist interest, constituted under the form of money (wages and profits), is immediately perceived. It is, of course, inevitable that real needs or vital interests should be laid claim to first of all in the prevailing capitalist form. If, however, the difference between the content and the form is no longer perceived, this interest turns against its own bearers: this interest then becomes dependent, as a matter of life and death, on the continued functioning of the capital valorization process. One reduces oneself to an “objective subject” who surrenders his life to the laws of capital and considers this submission normal. It is important, however, to declare the real content of needs to be absolutely non-negotiable. Only then is there a chance to intensify the tension between the capitalist form and this content, and to go so far as to engage in the critique that transcends capital. This will not be the act of an “objective subject”, but of human beings who only want to be human beings and nothing else. An emancipatory movement does not have any pre-conscious ontological basis, but, to the contrary, has to constitute itself by its own powers, “without a net and without training wheels”.

The critique of capitalism from the point of view of labor is a logical impossibility, since you cannot criticize capital from the perspective of its own substance. The critique of capitalism has to be directed against this substance itself, liberating humanity from submission to compulsory abstract labor.

Robert Kurz

A last interview with Robert Kurz, under the theme of Against labour, against capital, published at libcom.org

In this 2010 interview, Robert Kurz discusses Marx’s theory of crisis, the theories of “collapse” advocated by a minority of Marxists (Luxemburg, Grossman, Mattick) in the early 1900s, the implications of the “third industrial revolution of microelectronics” for capitalist accumulation, Moishe Postone’s analysis of the crisis of abstract labor, “anti-industrialism” and the anti-growth movement (Décroissants), and the meaning of “labor” as a historical and economic concept that must be transcended and replaced by “conscious social planning” and a “broad diversification of industrial production and services, implemented in accordance with purely qualitative criteria”.

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Against labour, against capital: World economic crisis, social movements and socialism: 12 theses by Robert Kurz

“Don’t worry, the capitalist system will be reborn from your ashes” – El Roto

A new concept of socialism can only be articulated to the extent that there is a break with the internalization of capitalist ways of life by way of the commodity form of labor power, of abstract labor, of the logic of valorization and of the commodity form of reproduction. Historically, what is necessary is a social self-administration, one that goes beyond this social and formal context, in the form of a conscious planning of the application of the resources of all of society (natural resources, technology, knowledge), no longer based on an accounting of units of abstract labor; and this must include the infrastructures and moments of reproduction that do not assume the form of a commodity and which have been delegated to women.

Robert Kurz

We follow our earlier posts on the theme Against labour, against capital, with a further interpretation the economic crisis of 2008, this time by Robert Kurz; an interpretation again animated by the Krisis Group reading of Marx.

In this 2009 text presented at a Marxist conference in Saxony (and also published at libcom.org), Robert Kurz discusses the significance of the world economic crisis of 2008, the erroneous assessments of the meaning of this crisis by the bourgeois mainstream and the left, the positivist “ontologization of labor” by traditional Marxism, Marx’s crisis theory and its basis in “categorical analysis” on an “abstract conceptual plane”, and the failure of most leftists to cultivate a perspective that goes beyond the basic categories of capitalism, instead of volunteering to perform crisis management services on capitalism’s behalf.

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Against labour, against capital: Norbert Trenkle and the violence of fictitious capital

We share a second essay by Norbert Trinkle that brings together the Krisis Group’s critique of value with an interpretation of the current crisis of capitalism.  (The essay was published in english here, along with the german text).

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Against labour, against capital: The terror of labour by Norbert Trenkle

As a compliment to Robert Kurz’s reflections on capitalism and labour, we share the work of another member of the Krisis Group, this time Norbert Trenkle and an essay entitled the Terror of labour.  (The english language translation that we publish below and the original german text can be found here).

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Against labour, against capital: Marx 2000 by Robert Kurz

… the capitalist order of society is not determined by the subjects of circulation, but by the irrational end-in-itself of production.

An emancipatory “abolition of money” is only possible in the context of an abolition of the labor-substance, its value-form, and the complementary, socially extrinsic state machine. … The inescapable historical task is the negation of the negative mode of social reproduction (Vergesellschaftung) itself, i.e., the liberation of the production of wealth from the restrictions of the modern commodity-producing system. Under the conditions of the Third Industrial Revolution, the planning of “quota of labor” has become obsolete and senseless, as well as the distribution according to “quota of performance” (“abstractified” energy) expended by the isolated labor-individuals (i.e., according to the actual or alleged contribution to the social mass of substance). The degree of social interdependency has reached a level where it is neither possible to assign “performance” to individuals, nor is this of any significance. Rather, what matters now is the sensible handling of the scientific-technical units and their planned employment. A conscious social communication, in this sense, is neither feasible within the fetish-form of value, nor by means of a bureaucratic state machine, but only beyond state and market through decisions about the flow of resources “in advance” and with participation of all members of society. The development of the productive forces made the necessary social fund of time abundantly available, but under the conditions of a commodity producing system that can only occur in negative form as “mass unemployment.”

Robert Kurz

The following article by Robert Kurz, from the 1st Feb 1999, and also published as a Krisis pamphlet (and on libcom.org), follows our earlier post, an interview with Kurz.  It explains in much greater and finer detail the Krisis Group’s reinterpretation of Marx’s critique, an essentially negative critique, of capitalism …

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Against labour, against capital: An interview with Robert Kurz

A second post in our series, Against labour, against capital …

In this 2006 interview, Robert Kurz offers a succinct definition the “radical critique of value”, and discusses the nature of the commodity and markets, the “ontologization of value”, abstract labor, the unsavory side of Enlightenment ideology, “the liberation of the abstract individual” as a result of the current global crisis, the “double Marx”, fetishism, Anselm Jappe’s book The Adventures of the Commodity, the continuing relevance of Guy Debord’s concept of the spectacle, and other topics, in an interview for a Brazilian online publication. (Published at libcom.org)

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Against labour, against capital: The Krisis Group

The eulogists of work. Behind the glorification of ‘work’ and the tireless talk of the ‘blessings of work’ I find the same thought as behind the praise of impersonal activity for the public benefit: the fear of everything individual. At bottom, one now feels when confronted with work – and what is invariably meant is relentless industry from early till late – that such work is the best police, that it keeps everybody in harness and powerfully obstructs the development of reason, of covetousness, of the desire for independence. For it uses up a tremendous amount of nervous energy and takes it away from reflection, brooding, dreaming, worry, love, and hatred; it always sets a small goal before one’s eyes and permits easy and regular satisfactions. In that way a society in which the members continually work hard will have more security: and security is now adored as the supreme goddess…”

Friedrich Nietzsche, The Dawn

Capitalism is a system of social relations that imposes, through violence, abstract labour upon human creative activity.  It is an appropriation of human energy, the energy that underlies all human transformations of nature for the satisfaction of human needs, for the making of things, relations, useful to human social existence, into the the pure ‘expenditure of labour power’, an abstract principle governing social relations that has no regard for the content  of labour and is independent of the needs and will of the participants.

Commodity producing relations, dependent on the transformation of labour power into a commodity, is driven by the end of money accumulation, which in turn permits the further accumulation of commodities.  Commodities generating money productive of more commodities is the underlying social logic of capitalism, a logic that extends beyond the “economy” to permeate the totality of social relations.

Capitalist social relations constitute the agents of social life: capitalist and worker, man and woman, white and non-white, State and citizen.  A radical critique of capitalism can therefore not remain within the confines of these agencies if it is to point towards non-capitalist forms of life.  And the tragedy of a great deal of the left has been its subservience to labour, gender and race identities, civil rights, seeking but the recognition and/or improvement of the conditions of these agents.

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A revolution remembered: Hungary 1956

Notre heritage n’est précédé d’aucun testament.

René Char

It is a strange and sad story that remains to be told and remembered.

What the councils challenged was the party system as such, in all its forms, and this conflict was emphasized whenever the councils, born of revolution, turned against the party or parties whose sole aim had always been the revolution. Seen from the
vanguard point of a true Soviet Republic, the Bolshevik party was merely more dangerous but no less reactionary than all the other parties of the defunct regime. As far as the form of government is concerned – and the councils everywhere, in contradistinction to the revolutionary parties, were infinitely more interested in the political than in the social aspect of revolution – the one-party dictatorship is only the last stage in the development of the nation-state in general and of the multi-party system in particular.

Hannah Arendt, On Revolution

The hungarian revolution of 1956, as with so many other revolutionary events of our recent and not so recent past, seems to have fallen to the fate of indifference, forgetfulness and oblivion.  If the past is a field of political struggle, then that oblivion may be judged as in part a consequence of an intentional politics of erasure.  But if capitalism engineers time as part of its very functioning, obliterating both past and future in a present of trance inducing flows of spectacular commodities and a “timeless” morality of work and debt, of responsibility and guilt, then the intentionality becomes secondary to the internal logic of the production and reproduction of capitalist social relations, in which we all participate.

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