Urgent call for solidarity action: Giannis Michailidis

Urgent call for solidarity action: Anarchist prisoner Giannis Michailidis enters 68th day of hunger strike and is in a dire health condition

Freedom News, Jul 29th

Giannis Michailidis is an anarchist prisoner in Greece who has been on hunger strike since 23rd May. At the time of writing, he is on his 68th day without food and is in a serious condition in a hospital cell in Lamia in central Greece.

Michaildis was sentenced to 20 years in prison for bank robbery, of which he has served 8.5 years. Normally prisoners are eligible for release after serving 3/5 of their sentence, but Giannis has been refused parole on the grounds that he might commit further offences.

Solidarity

In Greece, comrades know full well the significance of a prisoner embarking on a hunger strike. And they know the meaning of solidarity, amplifying his fight by taking it onto the streets and pushing it into the general consciousness.

Since the start of his strike, thousands have marched through the streets, dropped banners, attacked government buildings, protested outside the court, occupied offices, and even forced the media to allow them to transmit a statement on TV.  Other anarchist prisoners in Greece have gone on hunger strike in solidarity, while abroad, actions have happened at Greek embassies and consulates (including in London) and more. Comrades in Greece have called for solidarity actions around the world against targets of the Greek state and capital.

Background

The neoliberal New Democracy government under prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has, from day one in office, waged a crusade against anarchists and other freedom fighters. It pushed the long-term revolutionary prisoner and hunger striker Dimitris Koufontinas to near death last year when it refused to meet his demand for transfer to a prison closer to his family and legal team and for an end to his tortuous conditions. He did not eat for 65 days.

The scion of a conservative political dynasty that has long waged war on anarchists, migrants, rebellious students, squatters, and other ‘undesirables’, Mitsotakis and his friends and family in power are pursuing a personal vendetta against anarchist and revolutionary prisoners.

The time is now

Time is quickly running out. The Greek state is murdering a young anarchist through sheer vindictiveness. They dragged out the latest decision on his release so his condition would deteriorate further at a critical stage. Meanwhile, the hollowness of its words are all too obvious when we compare the approach taken to recent high-profile cases.

Perhaps the starkest is the notorious case of the Epstein-like figure Dimitris Lignadis. A former director of the National Theatre and a mate of Prime Minister Mitsotakis, Lignadis was recently convicted of raping two children in 2015. He is now walking free after less than a year and a half in prison – having been originally sentenced to 12 years due to the widespread media coverage and public outrage. One rule for them….

Michailidis’ struggle is not just for his own freedom but for the total liberation of all. The time to be there for him is now.

Immediate freedom for Giannis Michailidis!
Until the destruction of the last cage!

Some writings by Michailidis:

Donate to the campaign for the release of Giannis Michailidis.

UPDATE 5.50pm: Giannis Michailidis has announced that he is suspending (but not terminating) his hunger strike.

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Errico Malatesta: Lessons for Anarchists Considering the Ukrainian War

We share below an article by Wayne Price reading the war in Ukraine through the work of Errico Malatesta, published in the last issue of Black Flag Anarchist Review and posted at the Anarchist Library website.

Malatesta on War and National Self-Determination: Lessons for Anarchists Considering the Ukrainian War

Introduction

There is a debate among anarchists in the U.S. and internationally about the proper approach to the Ukrainian war with the Russian state. Some (such as myself) express solidarity with the Ukrainian people against the invasion by the Russian Federation. (The “Ukrainian people” are mostly the working class, lower middle class, farmers, and the poor.) Others reject support for the Ukrainians. Ukraine, they point out, has a capitalist economy, has a state, is a nation, and gets aid from U.S. imperialism and its NATO allies (all of which is true).

Both sides have been known to cite the Italian anarchist, Errico Malatesta (1853-1932). He was a younger friend and comrade of Bakunin and Kropotkin, regarded as “founders” of anarchism. “Malatesta, whose sixty-year career is little known outside of Italy, stands with Michael Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin as one of the great revolutionaries of international anarchism.” (Pernicone 1993; p. 3)

Since the Russian military invaded Ukraine, I have engaged in many Internet debates with opponents of support for the Ukrainian people (not the state but the people). Some arguments have been with state socialists who are essentially on the side of the Russian invaders. Virtually no anarchists, however, have illusions in Putin’s Russia. (Nor do they have illusions in the benevolence of U.S. imperialism, unlike most liberals.) Yet many anarchists reject any support for the Ukrainian people, treating them as no better than the Russian invaders. (For my view, see Price 2022.)

A few writers have posted references to Malatesta’s opposition to World War I, claiming that this shows that a leading anarchist was opposed to “war” as such. During the First World War, most anarchists opposed both sides, but a minority supported the Allies. This minority included Kropotkin, the most respected anarchist thinker of his time! Malatesta wrote rebuttals to these pro-war anarchists. (See “Anarchists Have Forgotten Their Principles,” and “Pro- Government Anarchists,” in Malatesta 2014.)

He wrote, “[Anarchists] have always preached that the workers of all countries are brothers, and that the enemy—the ‘foreigner’—is the exploiter, whether born near us or in a far-off country…..We have always chosen our…companions-in-arms, as well as our enemies, because…of the position they occupy in the social struggle, and never for reasons of race or nationality. We have always fought against patriotism…and we were proud of being internationalists….Now…the most atrocious consequences of capitalist and State domination should indicate, even to the blind, that we were in the right….” (Malatesta 2014; p. 380)

But in the same work, he wrote, “I am not a ‘pacifist.’… The oppressed are always in a state of legitimate self- defense, and have always the right to attack the oppressors….There are wars that are necessary, holy wars, and these are wars of liberation, such as are generally ‘civil wars’—i.e., revolutions.” (same; p. 379)

In other words, all sides of a war among oppressors were to be opposed—such as the First World War between blocs of imperialist states (France-Britain- Russia-and later the U.S. vs. Germany-Austria- Turkey). But wars of the oppressed against oppressors were wars of liberation, to be supported. Nor did Malatesta limit this to class wars, such as revolutions by slaves, peasants, or modern workers. (This is sometimes expressed as “No War but Class War!”) He also included wars by oppressed nations.

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Reading war and anarchy with Sigmund Freud

Putin cock-a-doodle-doo by ZHUK. Photograph: Art Residency in Occupation (The Guardian 23/07/2022)

The reflection that follows is driven by our own ongoing effort to understand the crises of our time, which now include the war in Ukraine, as well as being inspired by a video interview with Catherine Malabou, which we share at the end of the post.

References to the work of Sigmund Freud may appear to some to be outmoded. It is not our conviction.

___

Caught in the whirlwind of these war times, without any real information or any perspective upon the great changes that have already occurred or are about to be enacted, lacking all premonition of the future, it is small wonder that we ourselves become confused as to the meaning of impressions which crowd in upon us or of the value of the judgments we are forming.

Sigmund Freud

These opening words of Sigmund Freud’s 1915 essay Reflections upon War and Death could be ours. The context has changed. His horror before the violence of WWI is not ours. Yet war, poverty, plague, famine, ecological collapse and a seemingly endless string of calamities haunt our horizons as well. And if Freud could speak of the disappointment of his contemporaries in the face of previously unfathomable destruction, a disappointment in the evident failures of progress and education, of civilisation itself, to keep the murderousness of war at bay, our jaded cynicism and trivialised narcissism also reveal fissures, at least before the onslaught of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

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Of war and revolution: Ukraine

A Ukrainian soldier stands in the ruins of the Azovstal metalworks in Mariupol, Ukraine. Photograph: Dmytro Kozatsky

Why is our century worse than any other?

Is it that in the stupor of fear and grief

It has plunged its fingers in the blackest ulcer,

Yet cannot bring relief?

Anna Akhmatova, from Plantain (1919)

“The main enemy is at home!” The slogan is the title of a pamphlet of 1915 by Karl Liebknecht, written to condemn German imperialism. Italy’s engagement in WWI on the side of Britain, France and Russia, its abandonment of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria, is the context of the tract, and against the nationalism that fed war, Liebknecht calls for international working class struggle against all of the instigators of capitalist imperialism.

To then interpret this text, today, in the context of Russia’s war on Ukraine, as a call to oppose the armed resistance of Ukrainians against the invasion, verges on the foolish, or the grotesque.

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Melilla: Eichmann at the border

… it is terrible to inhabit and know a world where eyes are no longer able to give a look – I do not say of love, but even of curiosity or sympathy.

Pier Paolo Pasolini, Petrolio

Have the moral horrors of our societies become so entrenched and so removed by a media induced alienation – and more – that we can no longer feel outrage at the violence exercised at those whom we would consider “foreign”? And is our security-managed narcissism so great that potentially everyone other than our-selves is foreign and therefore a menace, and accordingly undeserving of moral consideration?

On Friday, the 25th of June, 27 people – at the moment of writing – of sub-Saharan origin died trying to cross the moroccan-spanish border at Melilla, a Spanish enclave on the Moroccan coast. Hundreds more were injured. (El Salto Diario – 26/05/2022)

The video images recorded at the site (by the Association Marocaine des Droits Humains – Section Nador), of Moroccan police beating and piling bodies upon bodies, defy the imagination. And yet what they capture occurred, without indignation, without any sense of tragedy, without remorse. Increasingly, we seem capable only of grieving for our own pathetic selves, torn as so many seem to be between success and wellness, or failure; absurd words used without understanding.

We share below an article by Sarah Babiker, published in El Salto Diario (25/06/2022), and a communiqué (in french) signed by La Plateforme des Associations et Communautés Subsahariennes au Maroc (P. ASCOMS), Caminando Fronteras, ATTAC CADTM Maroc, Association d’aide aux migrants en situation de vulnérabilité- Maroc (AMSV), AMDH/ L’Association Marocaine des Droits Humains.

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The Gezi Resistance, June 2013

Going back to Turkey and the Gezi Park insurrection, and keeping the memory of the latter alive, with the CrimethInc. collective (20/06/2022) …

Early on May 28, 2013, a bulldozer arrived in Gezi Park, at the center of Istanbul, and began uprooting trees. Thousands flocked to the park in response, clashing with the police and catalyzing a movement that spread around the country in defiance of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Today, as Erdogan takes advantage of Turkey’s current leverage within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to plan another invasion of Syria, it is important to remember that he had to suppress powerful social movements in Turkey in order to cement control. Such social movements still represent our best hope for peace and social change—in Turkey, Syria, and all around the world.

The following text originally appeared in Rolling Thunder in early 2014. The author has added an introduction penned this week. For more on Turkey, you could start by reading about the background of Kurdish resistance or the roots of Turkish fascism.

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Mutual aid in england

One of the simplest and profoundest teachings of anarchism is that it is only with the help of many, many others that one finds oneself.

Jesse S. Cohn, Anarchism and the Crisis of Representation

The debate around the “radical” nature or potential of mutual aid organising, cooperatives, communes, and the like, will persist for the simple reason that there can be no final theoretical or ideological answer to the question of whether “the revolution” should pass through such forms of self-organisation, instead of preparing for a generalised insurrection, for example. The question however is misplaced, and not only because the either/or in this instance is again largely ideological, but because conceptions of “radicalness” and “revolution” are themselves far from obvious.

We may argue over the “faith” that the author below suggests is a characteristic of anarchists, but then the disagreement will very likely be over questions of meaning and of the conditions for that faith.

From Freedom News, we share below a two part article by Warren Draper on mutual aid organising in England.

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For Jean-Louis Trintignant (1930-2022)

It is rare that we would celebrate the work of a film actor, not however because we disparage their art, but for the intimacy between the cinematographic art and entertainment which renders this artist’s art suspect. This is perhaps unfair. And if the aesthetic experience, aside from whatever pleasure it brings, changes our perspective on the world, subverting and/or expanding it, then there is no reason to exclude the film actor from our consideration.

In this instance, we mark the passing of Jean-Louis Trintignant for reasons that are undoubtedly personal, for his decidedly remarkable roles in films which were aesthetically formative for us – we are tempted to say “radical” –, that is, for those of us of the collective; in films such as Dino Risi’s Il Sorpasso (1962), Costa-Gavras’ Z (1969), Eric Rohmer’s Ma Nuit Chez Maud (1969), Bernardo Bertolucci’s The Conformist (1970), Krzysztof Kieslowski’s Three Colours: Red (1994), Michael Haneke’s Amour (2012).

Naivety, some will say, or worse, dilettantism, to think that film – or any other art – can change anything concrete. And what does an actor like Trintignant have to do with “radical politics”, or “anarchism”? Nothing, many will say. But since when do we judge art exclusively – today, one alienated form of expression among others – by the ideological identification of its creators? And does not art change us?

Trintignant was film and theatre actor, film maker, and more recently, he gave himself over to public recitals of poetry.

Originally from the rural french south, he would often describe himself as a peasant, and like all good peasants, someone who carefully cultivates what he plants, tends to its growth and harvests, nurturing what remains behind.

We share below a reading (in french) of Jacques Prévert, Boris Vian and Robert Desnos, by Jean-Louis Trintignant, or what we could call Trintignant among the libertarians.

Je voyais les poètes libertaires comme des anarchistes pacifistes … mais ils sont aussi très violents, amoureux, passionnés. Je suis moi-même un anarchiste.

Jean-Louis Trintignant, Le Devoir (22/09/2012)

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Reflections after the Stonewall Riots: Michel Foucault

Joel-Peter Witkin, Man Reflected, 2007

In my opinion, as important as it may be, tactically speaking, to say at a given moment, ‘I am a homosexual,’ over the long run, in a wider strategy, the question of knowing who we are sexually should no longer be posed. It is not then a question of affirming one’s sexual identity, but of refusing to allow sexuality as well as the different forms of sexuality the right to identify you. The obligation to identify oneself through and by a given type of sexuality must be refused.

Michel Foucault, Wrong-Doing, Truth-Telling: The Function of Avowal in Justice

Sex, Power, and the Politics of Identity

Michel Foucault

We share below an interview with Michel Foucault conducted by B. Gallagher and A. Wilson in Toronto in June 1982.  It appeared in The Advocate 400 (7 August 1984), pp. 26-30 and 58. The interview is included in the first volume of the english language edition of The Essential Works of Michel Foucault 1954-1984: Ethics, Subjectivity and Truth, edited by Paul Rabinow, for The New Press, New York, 1997, pp. 163-173.

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Reflections after the Stonewall Riots: Mario Mieli

Photograph of a costume party held at the Institute for Sexual Research (Institut für Sexualwissenschaft) on an unknown date. Magnus Hirschfeld is in glasses, right, holding hands with his partner, the archivist Karl Giese — Source (Credit: Magnus-Hirschfeld-Gesellschaft e.V., Berlin. Not public domain)

To come over to our side means, quite literally, to be fucked in the ass, and to discover that this is one of the most beautiful of pleasures. It means to marry your pleasure to mine without castrating chains, without matrimony. It means enjoyment without the Norm, without laws. It is only your inhibitions that prevent you from seeing that only by coming over to our side can we achieve our revolution. And communism can only be ours, i.e. belonging to us all, to those of us able to love: why would you want to be left out?

It is capital that still so insistently opposes you to us. What you have to fear is not being fucked in the ass, but rather remaining what you at present still are, heterosexual males as the Norm wants you to be, even in crisis, as if it was not high time to oppose yourselves forever to crisis, to castration, to guilt. As if it was not time to gayly reject the discontent that the present society has imposed on us, and to stop the totalitarian machine of capital in its tracks by realising new and totalising relations: and as we are bodies, erotic relations among us all.

Mario Mieli was one of the principal protagonists of radical homosexual politics in Italy in the 1970s, rejecting “reformist, politic party politics” and sclerotic “revolutionary” theory, Mieli would in his short life endeavour to articulate what he called a gay communism.

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