Italy: Autonomia (3)

… we have no choice but to be the children of ’77 …

From Blackout ((Poetry and Politics)) (30/03/2019) …

1977: The Year That Is Never Commemorated

Claire Fontaine

“It’s not enough to denounce the lies of the power, we need to denounce and break also the truths of the power. When the power tells the truth and it pretends that it’s something natural, we must denounce what is inhuman and absurd in this order of reality, which is reproduced, reflected and consolidated by the order of speech. We must unveil the delirious aspect of the power.

Let’s pretend to be in the place of the power, let’s speak with its voice, let’s emit signals as if we were the power with its tone of voice. But they are fake signals. Let’s produce fake information that unveils what power hides, information capable of producing a revolt against the force of the speech of the power.”

—A/traverso, February 1976

The Italian movement of 1977 is an event that nobody commemorates, although—and probably because— it contains the germs of our actual present; the desires and contradictions that emerged back then are profoundly contemporary, to the degree that the protagonists of that movement are still persecuted and can’t be forgiven: some of them are currently under arrest and no amnesty has been approved in their favor. Others get extradited to be jailed.

One could even talk about the survival of ’77 in a Warburgian sense and observe that the images and energies from that time have partly migrated within ours and somehow haunt it.

The memory of these years is a sensible territory; having been the theater of conflicts that are still raging inside society’s body, ’77 is a difficult space for deploying critical distance and trying to interpret the facts.

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Italy: Autonomia (2)

Anarchist truth cannot and must not become the monopoly of one individual or committee; nor can it depend on the decisions of real or fictitious majorities. All that is necessary — and sufficient — is for everyone to have and to exercise the widest freedom of criticism and for each one of us to maintain their own ideas and choose for themselves their own comrades. In the last resort the facts will decide who was right.

Errico Malatesta

Italy’s Autonomia movement(s) of the 1960s and 70s, against the background of a rapidly changing society brought on by what some would call Italy’s earlier “economic miracle” – mass, economically driven internal migration from the poorer, rural south to the industrialising north; increasingly decentralised or post-Fordist industrial organisation as the national economy is “internationalised” and “consumer focused”; the “democratisation” of access to post-secondary education; the decomposition and re-composition of older family structures; the weakening of the institutional and cultural weight of the Catholic Church; and so on -, sought in a variety of different ways to theorise and put into practice the need for new organisational forms to contest capitalist social relations, forms that were both responsive to working class (re)configurations and interests, and capable of surpassing the political sclerosis of the Italian Communist Party/the PCI in the struggle against capital.

If the Italian movement(s) of the time were not unique in confronting these issues, as they were common to much of the “long May of ’68” in France and elsewhere, in Italy, they were brought to a head with much greater intensity and in ways that still resonate.

The “organisational question” of the working class may seem to be a specifically “Marxist” concern, but anarchists and other “leftist” political traditions have also addressed the matter, and this throughout there history. If the “communist or Leninist party form” entered upon a terminal crisis in ’68, anarchism was no less interpolated by the same social transformations. What advantage anarchists had in this matter, if any, was that the debate for them was almost as old as anarchism itself.

We share below a second essay in our series dedicated to Italy’s Autonomia, this time with a focus on the “organisational question”.

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Italy: Autonomia (1)

… the notion of class entails the notion of historical relationship. Like any other relationship, it is a fluency which evades analysis if we attempt to stop it dead at any given moment and anatomise its structure. The finest meshed sociological net cannot give us a pure specimen of class, any more than it can give us one of deference or of love. The relationship must always be embodied in real people and in a real context. Moreover, we cannot have two distinct classes, each with an independent being, and then bring them into relationship with each other. We cannot have love without lovers, nor deference without squires and labourers. And class happens when some men, as a result of common experiences (inherited or shared), feel and articulate the identity of their interests as between themselves, and as against other men whose interests are different from (and usually opposed to) theirs. The class experience is largely determined by the productive relations into’ which men are born – or enter involuntarily. Class-consciousness is the way in which these experiences are handled in cultural terms: embodied in traditions, value systems, ideas, and institutional forms. If the experience appears as determined, class-consciousness does not. We can see a logic in the responses of similar occupational groups undergoing similar experiences, but we cannot predicate any law. Consciousness of class arises in the same way in different times and places, but never in just the same way.

… And these are historical questions. If we stop history at a given point, then there are no classes but simply a multitude of individuals with a multitude of experiences. But if we watch these men over an adequate period of social change, we observe patterns in their relationships their ideas, and their institutions. Class is defined by men as they live their own history, and, in the end, this is its only definition.

These words are from the “Preface” of E.P. Thompson’s 1963 classic essay, The Making of the English Working Class and they offer, still, a lens through which to read anything describable as working class consciousness and any “radical” politics emergent from it. The mistake, for Thompson, is to reify the working class, to imagine it as a sort of thing from which its proper class consciousness can be inferred, failing which, its “true” representatives can reveal and guide it.

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War in Ukraine: An anarchist debate

‘The Volunteers’, woodcut on paper by Käthe Kollwitz (1921–2)

A word of command has made these silent figures our enemies; a word of command might
transform them into our friends. At some table a document is signed by some persons whom none of us knows, and then for years together that very crime on which formerly the world’s
condemnation and severest penalty fall, becomes our highest aim. But who can draw such a
distinction when he looks at these quiet men with their childlike faces and apostles’ beards.
Any non-commissioned officer is more of an enemy to a recruit, any schoolmaster to a pupil,
than they are to us. And yet we would shoot at them again and they at us if they were free.

I am frightened: I dare think this way no more. This way lies the abyss. It is not now the time
but I will not lose these thoughts, I will keep them, shut them away until the war is ended.
My heart beats fast: this is the aim, the great, the sole aim, that I have thought of in the
trenches; that I have looked for as the only possibility of existence after this annihilation of all human feeling; this is a task that will make life afterward worthy of these hideous years.

Erich Maria Remarque, All Quiet on the Western Front

Are Anarchists Giving in to War Fever?In Defense of Anarchists Who Support the Ukrainian people

Wayne Price (Anarkismo.net 18/02/2023)

My response to an article, “British Anarchism Succumbs to War Fever” by Alex Alder. That article expresses dismay that many anarchists, in Britain and Eastern Europe and elsewhere have come to support the Ukrainian side of its war with Russian imperialism. It regards this perspective as a betrayal of anarchism, internationalism, and anti-militarism.

I, on the contrary, think that this solidarity with the Ukrainians is a very good thing. It is completely consistent with revolutionary anarchism.

This is my response to an article, “British Anarchism Succumbs to War Fever” by Alex Alder. It appeared on the libcom.org site and has been promoted by the Anarchist Communist Group. It was published on anarchistnews.org.

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Jacques Rancière: ‘No institution emancipates people’

From the Verso Books Blog (15/02/2023)…


The philosopher Jacques Rancière invites us to fundamentally reconsider our conception of education. Criticising the current ‘teacher-pupil’ configuration, which he believes aggravates inequalities, he proposes a teaching method that is both demanding and intellectually and politically emancipating.


This interview was originally published by Philosophie on 20 January 2023.

Interview conducted by Clara Degiovanni and Octave Larmagnac-Matheron

At first glance, the act of explaining seems indissociable from pedagogical practice. Yet, when reading you, one gets the impression that the will to explain hinders the autonomous emancipation of intelligences.

This was first proposed not by me, but by Joseph Jacotot (1770-1815), whose thought I explained and updated in The Ignorant Schoolmaster. This pedagogue managed to teach the French language to students in the Netherlands without speaking a word of Dutch. In this way he managed to teach something to people to whom he had not explained anything. He carried out this experiment in the 19th century, at a time when the education of individuals raised the question of public instruction. After the Revolution, the question was how to ensure that people were not too stupid, but not too intelligent either – because then they might be a bit too restless. Citizens needed therefore to learn in the right way, in the right order, and above all with the clear understanding that if they can learn, it is because someone is there to explain it to them. In this framework, explanation is not just a technical exercise; it functions as a kind of inequality device. It is based on a world view that nobody can learn anything unless there is someone who knows, to explain to them what there is to know. This logic is therefore part of a whole institutional, social, political and philosophical system that keeps a large proportion of people in a position of intellectual tutelage.

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Simon Critchley: Mystical Anarchism

Paul Signac, Opus 217. Against the Enamel of a Background Rhythmic with Beats and Angles, Tones, and Tints, Portrait of M. Félix Fénéon in 1890

Exploring the facets of the desire to smash time, through “mystical anarchism …

It is not enough for us to reject conditions and institutions; we have to reject ourselves. “Do not kill others, only yourself” – such will be the maxim of those who accept the challenge to create their own chaos in order to discover their most authentic and precious inner being and to become one with the world in a mystical union. What these men will be able to bring to the world will be so extraordinary that it will seem to have come from a world altogether unknown. Whoever brings the lost world in himself to life – to individual life – and whoever feels like a true part of the world and not as a stranger: he will be the one who arrives not knowing where from, and who leaves not knowing where to. To him the world will be what he is to himself. Men such as this will live with each other in solidarity – as men who belong together. This will be anarchy.

Gustav Landauer

Sovereignty is NOTHING.

George Bataille


Mystical Anarchism

Simon Critchley (Public, Noº 39, 01/01/2009)

The return to religion has become perhaps the dominant cliché of contemporary theory. Of course, theory often offers nothing more than an exaggerated echo of what is happening in reality, a political reality dominated by the fact of religious war. Somehow we seem to have passed from a secular age, which we were ceaselessly told was post-metaphysical, to a new situation where political action seems to flow directly from metaphysical conflict. This situation can be triangulated around the often fatal entanglement of politics and religion, where the third vertex of the triangle is violence. Politics, religion and violence appear to define the present through which we are all too precipitously moving, the phenomenon of sacred political violence, where religiously justified violence is the means to a political end. The question of community, of human being together, has to be framed-for good or ill in terms of this triangulation of politics, religion and violence. In this essay, I want to look at one way-admittedly a highly peculiar and contentious way-in which the question of community was posed historically and might still be posed. This is what I want to call “mystical anarchism.” However, I want to begin somewhere else, with two political theories at the very antipodes of anarchism.

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On the desire to smash time

The consciousness of exploding the continuum of history is peculiar to the revolutionary classes in the moment of their action. The Great Revolution introduced a new calendar. The day on which the calendar started functioned as a historical time-lapse camera. And it is fundamentally the same day which, in the shape of holidays and memorials, always returns. The calendar does not therefore count time like clocks. They are monuments of a historical awareness, of which there has not seemed to be the slightest trace for a hundred years. Yet in the July Revolution an incident took place which did justice to this consciousness. During the evening of the first skirmishes, it turned out that the clock-towers were shot at independently and simultaneously in several places in Paris. An eyewitness who may have owed his inspiration to the rhyme wrote at that moment:

Qui le croirait! on dit,
qu’irrités contre l’heure
De nouveaux Josués
au pied de chaque tour,
Tiraient sur les cadrans
pour arrêter le jour.

[Who would’ve thought! As though
Angered by time’s way
The new Joshuas
Beneath each tower, they say
Fired at the dials
To stop the day.]

Walter Benjamin, “Thesis XV”, On the concept of history

We return to time, to the ways of time, to the politics of time,[1] with a recent essay published with Lundi Matin (#369, 06/02/2023).

On the desire to smash time

Why is life confined to its biological temporality (work time, the cycle of expenditure and recuperation, exhaustion and consumption) unliveable in the strict sense? Why can we not stay within it without wanting to break it? We have no choice but to admit this: we live a double life. Behind the biological desire for multiplication hides a completely different drive. This one does not aspire to movement. It absolutely refuses (without reason, by a categorical imperative) the cycle of biological life and tries to substitute for it, in heterogeneous instants to the “every day” temporality of consciousness, an unproductive expenditure which breaks with the time of profitability (of urgency, of acceleration, of the coercive present of value). There is a radical impotence in our society to take up this heterogeneous temporality within that of profitability.

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Jacques Rancière: Between anarchy and anarchism

We do not gain from the working operations of history that comprehensive understanding which would reveal the true solution. At best we rectify errors which occur along the way, but the new scheme is not immune to errors which will have to be rectified anew. History eliminates the irrational; but the rational remains to be created and to be imagined, and it does not have the power of replacing the false with the true. A historical solution of the human problem, an end of history, could be conceived only if humanity were a thing to be known-if, in it, knowledge were able to exhaust being and could come to a state that really contained all that humanity had been and all that it could ever be. Since, on the contrary, in the density of social reality each decision brings unexpected consequences, and since, moreover, man responds to these surprises by inventions which transform the problem, there is no situation without hope; but there is no choice which terminates these deviations or which can exhaust man’s inventive power and put an end to his history. There are only advances.

If one completely eliminates the concept of the end of history, then the concept of revolution is relativized; such is the meaning of “permanent revolution.” It means that there is no definitive regime, that revolution is the regime of creative imbalance, that there will always be other oppositions to sublate, that there must therefore always be an opposition within revolution. But how can one be sure that an internal opposition is not an opposition to revolution?

Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Adventures of the Dialectic

Calls for anarchists to organise themselves, declarations regarding the necessity of anarchist organisation, so as to render anarchist thought and practice more effective and thereby seductive (in the background are almost always the historical examples of anarchist-syndicalist revolutionary labour unions) are recurrent today among some (e.g., “Los cimientos para organizarse politicamente: por una cultura militante revolucionaria”, alasbarricadas.org), as are calls for permanent insurrection (e.g., Gioacchino Somma: “Hic et nunc.”, Act for freedom). Without criticising or disparaging either, we invite the gesture of taking a step back, to ask, with the words of Jacques Rancière, what is the relationship between revolution and institution(alisation), anarchy and anarchism, anarchism and democracy.

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Solidarity with Alfredo Cospito

From the CrimethInc. collective (03/02/2023) …

An Italian Anarchist on Hunger Strike against Solitary Confinement

Since October 20, 2022, the imprisoned Italian anarchist Alfredo Cospito has been on hunger strike, demanding to be released from solitary confinement under the “41bis” regime. As of February 3, 2023, he has passed 107 days without eating.

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Brazil: The struggle against the erasure of rebellion

This year marks the tenth anniversary of the June 2013 uprising in brazil and a narrative begins to take form: the Bolsonaro government was the child of the protests that occurred against the policies of the PT government then in power under Dilma Rousseff, Lula’s successor.

From the Antimídia and Facção Fictícia collectives, based on an idea of Companheiro Sonho, comes this video report-intervention in response (available with spanish and english subtitles).

Ten years after the June 2013 Jornadas [Days], the popular uprising is accused by the institutional left of being the origin of the current fascist movement, while the use of the black bloc tactic is compared to the fascist attack in Brasilia. But this criticism does not hold up when we analyze the situation at the time and also the role that many leftist organizations played in criminalizing protests, emptying the streets and creating a political vacuum conducive to the rise of fascism.

Video based on an idea by Companheiro Sonho, in collaboration with the collectives Antimídia and Facção Fictícia.

Songs by Racionais MCs, Twins x Omniphonik, INFECTIXN, Mobiius, NetuH.


In addition to all that we shared and published at the time around the events in brazil, we recommend the following english language reports and analyses:

“The June 2013 Uprisings in Brazil, Part I” (CrimethInc.)

“The June 2013 Uprisings in Brazil, Part II – Giants and Monsters” (CrimethInc.)

“Fighting in Brazil: Three Years of Revolt, Repression, and Reaction – A Thorough Account and Analysis, 2013-2015” (CrimethInc.)

“Brazil: the 2013 June Days and the consolidation of the 2018 coup” (Counterfire)

“Work and Revolt at Brazil’s Dead End: Militants in the Fog – Part I” (Ill Will)

“Work and Revolt at Brazil’s Dead End: Militants in the Fog – Part II” (Ill Will)

In english and portuguese:

“Brazil: popular revolt and its limits” (Libcom.org)/”Revolta popular: o limite da tática” (Passa Palvra)

“Brazil: How things have (and haven’t) changed” (Libcom.org)/“Olha como a coisa virou” (Passa Palavra)

And in portuguese:

“Junho de 2013: uma análise de rigor histórico e radicalizada” (Federação Anarquista)

“The New Brazil – Raúl Zibechi: reviewed by Levi Gahman” (Libcom.org)

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