Address to those who would rather abolish harmful phenomena than manage them

Hannah Hoch, Cut with the Kitchen Knife through the Last Epoch of Weimar Beer-Belly Culture in Germany, 1919

The ecologists play the same role, on the terrain of the struggle against harmful phenomena, that the trade unionists play on the terrain of workers struggles: mere intermediaries interested in the preservation of the contradictions whose regulation they assure; smooth-tongued negotiators adept at haggling (in this case the for the revision of the rules and rates of environmental damage replace the percentages of wage increases); mere defenders of the quantitative at the very moment when the economic calculus is extended to new domains (air, water, human embryos, synthetic sociability); they are, ultimately, the new commissars of submission to the economy, whose price must now include the cost of “a quality environment”. One can already discern the outlines of a redistribution of territory between sacrificed zones and protected zones, jointly administered by “green” experts, a spatial division that will regulate the hierarchical access to the commodity called nature. Radioactivity, however, will be for everyone.

The movement against harmful phenomena will triumph as a movement of anti-economic and anti-statist emancipation or it will not triumph at all.


With this post, an address to those who would prefer to create worlds which they could continue to create and recreate, rather than those who would but manage the catastrophe of generalised alienation, we close our celebration of the 40th anniversary of the publication of the first issue of the magazine Encyclopédie des Nuisances.

And without any idea of intellectual thraldom, it is our conviction that the Encyclopédie remains powerfully relevant.

To conclude then, a final post … on this occasion.

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Giorgio Agamben: The exile and the citizen

Annibale Gatti, Dante in Exile, 1854

It is good to reflect on a phenomenon that is both familiar and unfamiliar to us, but which, as often occurs in such cases, can provide us with useful indications for our life among others: exile. Legal historians continue to debate whether exile – in its original form, in Greece and Rome – should be considered as the exercise of a right or as a penal situation. Insofar as it is presented, in the classical world, as the faculty granted to a citizen to escape a penalty (generally capital punishment) by fleeing, exile seems in fact irreducible to the two major categories into which the sphere of law can be divided from the point of view of subjective situations: rights and penalties. Thus Cicero, who knew exile, could write: ‘Exilium non supplicium est, sed perfugium portumque supplicii’, ‘Exile is not a punishment, but a refuge and a way of escape from punishment’. Even when it is eventually appropriated by the State and configured as a punishment (in Rome this happens with the lex Tullia of 63 BC), exile remains de facto an escape route for the citizen. Thus Dante, when the Florentines instituted banishment proceedings against him, did not appear in court and, anticipating the judges, began his long life as an exile, refusing to return to his city even when offered the opportunity. Significantly, in this perspective, exile does not imply the loss of citizenship: the exile effectively excludes himself from the community to which he nevertheless formally still belongs. Exile is neither right nor punishment, but flight and refuge. If it were configured as a right, which in reality it is not, exile would be defined as a paradoxical right to be outside the law. From this perspective, the exile enters a zone of indistinction with respect to the sovereign, who, by deciding on the state of exception, can suspend the law, and is then, like the exile, both inside and outside order.

Precisely insofar as it is presented as the power of a citizen to place themselves outside the community of citizens and thus to situate themselves with respect to the legal order on a kind of threshold, exile cannot fail to be of particular interest to us today. For anyone with eyes to see, it is obvious that the states in which we live have entered upon a situation of crisis and the progressive and unstoppable disintegration of all institutions. In these conditions, where politics disappears and gives way to economics and technology, it is fatal that citizens become de facto exiles in their own country. It is this internal exile that must be reclaimed today, transforming it from a passively suffered condition into a chosen and actively pursued way of life. Where citizens have lost even the memory of politics, only those exiled in their own city will make politics. And only in this community of exiles, dispersed in the formless mass of citizens, can something resembling a new political experience become possible here and now.


Giorgio Agamben, Quodlibet, November 7, 2024

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George Orwell: The Prevention of Literature

Totalitarianism, however, does not so much promise an age of faith as an age of schizophrenia. A society becomes totalitarian when its structure becomes flagrantly artificial: that is, when its ruling class has lost its function but succeeds in clinging to power by force or fraud. Such a society, no matter how long it persists, can never afford to become either tolerant or intellectually stable. It can never permit either the truthful recording of facts or the emotional sincerity that literary creation demands. But to be corrupted by totalitarianism one does not have to live in a totalitarian country.

George Orwell, The Prevention of Literature


On the false claim that Haitian immigrants are killing and eating local pets in Springfield, Ohio, repeated on numerous occasions during the U.S. presidential elections:

“If I have to create stories so that the American media actually pays attention to the suffering of the American people, then that’s what I’m going to do …”

J.D. Vance

“I was just saying what was reported that’s been reported and eating other things, too, that they’re not supposed to be.”

Donald Trump



The Prevention of Literature

George Orwell (Polemic, January 1946)

About a year ago I attended a meeting of the P.E.N. Club, the occasion being the tercentenary of Milton’s Areopagitica — a pamphlet, it may be remembered, in defence of freedom of the press. Milton’s famous phrase about the sin of ‘killing’ a book was printed on the leaflets advertising the meeting which had been circulated beforehand.

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Encyclopédie des Nuisances: Environmentalism unto death (VII)

Oil wells in Baku, host city for the UN’s Cop29 conference. Photograph: David Levene/The Guardian

Abracadabrant – Encyclopédie des Nuisances

(Encyclopédie des Nuisances, Nº 15, 1992)

Everything that used to be part of the sphere of knowledge, its transmission and its acquisition, has disappeared into the hands of those who confiscated it. The consequences of such a strange victory must necessarily be reproduced in a chain reaction and affect a wide range of domains, and must do so in a spectacular way [“de modo abracadabrante”]. Since the announcement of the unfolding of potential disasters crowns the techno-scientific marvels of our time, and since the latter, whatever else may happen, will know no other course, now is the time to organize the confusion by making the slaves take responsibility, so as to cause them to deposit their still-embryonic anger in the test tubes of those whose job is to make it disappear.

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Encyclopédie des Nuisances: Misery amidst plenty (VI)

Abundance has always existed, but nowhere has it existed abundantly: either because everyone did not enjoy it or because, when everyone did enjoy it, they did not do so all of the time. No doubt abundance really lived can only be particular to a human group engaged in a collective adventure, when it has its own practical values, its own language, its own rules of the game.

Encyclopédie des Nuisances, Nº 11, 1987


Abundance – L’Encyclopedie des Nuisances

(Encyclopédie des Nuisances, Nº 11, 1987)

In the so-called developed countries, where one noisily claims to have acceded to abundance, evoking this notion immediately leads one to wonder what there is such a profusion of. Less overwhelmed with uncertainties in this regard, some societies have easily defined their abundance in the practices of potlatch, ritualized waste [dilapidation], and festival. And before the simple determinations of the necessary and the superfluous lost themselves in market abstractions, repetitive work and the routine satisfaction of stable needs attained their outcome and their meaning, their consecration, in the idleness or the excess of those who represented the expensive usage of life by manifesting its values for everyone. One had to wait until today for work to annul itself in the indefiniteness of needs — among the simplest, like breathing — the satisfaction of which is nothing less than routine, so that one comes to ask oneself what can be desirable in the excess of such misery or the idleness that must still live with all this. Thus, market abundance, which was supposed to satisfy all of the needs that it recognized, and those that it created as a bonus, has finally enriched privation to the point of destroying all kinds of satisfaction. A society without luxury, in which the necessary is lacking: such is the most expeditious definition of what is proposed worldwide as the highest accomplishment of human history.

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Encyclopédie des Nuisances: Energy and/or Death (V)

we feel confident in asserting that henceforth this world can contain only two kinds of seriousness: the seriousness of the extremists of domination, as obvious as the means at their disposal for perpetuating it any price — and ours, the proof of whose existence is supplied, paradoxically, by the scale upon which those same means are deployed. Between the two lies a gamut of unrealistic attitudes that are, in the last analysis, of negligible import. On the one hand, then, is the will to maintain a society of dispossession at whatever cost, and the attendant conviction, reminiscent of Macbeth’s, that once one is “in blood stepp’d in so far […] returning were as tedious as go o’er.” For our part, in face of the material changes that demonstrate day after day that there is nothing so bad that it cannot become worse, we want merely “to keep the door open to all other possibilities of change — first and foremost, of course, to the primordial hope that the minimum conditions for the survival of the species may be preserved. The changes we desire are, of course, the very ones that the dominant society seeks to obstruct by limiting history, irrevocably, to a broader reproduction of the past, and limiting the future to the management of the debris of the present” (“Discours preliminaire,” Encyclopedie des Nuisances, No. 1).


Abyss – L’Encyclopedie des Nuisances

(Encyclopédie des Nuisances, Nº 8, 1986)

A bottomless chasm, or at any rate one that cannot be plumbed, we call an abyss. What of the gulf into which this society of dispossession is plunging before our very eyes? That there may be no end to this descent, or that it may end only with the self-destruction of the human race — these are, of course, mere hypotheses, much like the famous “China syndrome” itself. The crushing presence of such a possibility, however, already sits in judgment over all human actions and governs the construction of the various “safety barriers” whereby a world at war with its own power hopes to avoid a terrifying end by surviving in an endless terror. The real question is therefore: How many Chernobyls will be needed before the truth of the old slogan “Revolution or death!” is recognized as the last word of the scientific thought of this century?

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A Letter to Our American Cousins

From the Ill Will collective (06/11/2025).


In the days following Donald Trump’s first presidential victory friends in France sent us a letter that treats his ascendency to power as a moment of truth that needs to be confronted. As we enter a second term of his administration we’re republishing the letter, which has lost nothing of its poignancy in the ensuing years.


Other languages: Français, Español


Today, rare are those who know still what the State and politics (and thus ‘history’) are, or rather were.

Alexandre Kojeve to Carl Schmitt, June 28 1955

So yeah, the Joker seized the White House. It wasn’t part of the script. It didn’t take a truck loaded with explosives, and there was no countdown on an LCD screen. He simply showed up to the elections, as democratically as could be, and he won.

The news was greeted with universal incredulity, painful for some, triumphant for others. In this world, for a truth to rise up and present itself is always an event. It is therefore customary to swiftly bury it under dump trucks of “commentary,” “explanation” and other chatter. We dismiss the fact that it happened on the grounds that it should not have happened, that it was an accident. The problem is that, as the accident becomes the rule, as Brexit prevails in the United Kingdom and bloody Duterte in the Philippines, it likewise becomes increasingly difficult to mask the unreality of all that “should have been.” To disqualify as “fascist” the result of procedures that one otherwise considers “democratic” only adds to the dishonesty and aberration.

Let us instead take the presidential election of Donald Trump as a moment of truth. Let us formulate the truths, old or new, that follow from it. Let us look at the reality that arrays itself therein, and take our bearings within it.

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Anarchism on the periphery: struggle under conditions of emigration and war

In the article that follows (from Pramen, 06/11/2024), the “introduction” closes with the following statement: “… despite any discomfort you may have in reading this, we ask you to focus on the essence of what’s written, and encourage you to engage in discussion about it.” It is with this same spirit that we – who do not and have not directly experienced what the comrades from Russia, Ukraine, Belarus have lived – share it.

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Palestine’s Lessons for the Left:Theses for a Poetics of the Earth

Paolo Pellegrin, Tijuana – A girl celebrating her quinceañera along the U.S.-Mexico border. Tijuana, Mexico, 2019.

Published, in translation, by the Ill Will collective (03/11/2024), we share below a fundamental reflection on the significance of the Palestinian anti-colonial struggle against Israel and the Gaza genocide by the Chilean writer, Rodrigo Karmy Bolton.

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History Repeats Itself: First as Farce, Then as Tragedy

From the CrimethInc. collective (06/11/2024).


Why the Democrats Are Responsible for Donald Trump’s Return to Power

Donald Trump has won the 2024 presidential election. That means that we will have to fight many of the battles of 2017-2020 all over again. But first, in order to understand the scale of what we’re up against, let’s look at how we got here.

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