A Mexican Spring: Yo Soy 132

primavera mexicana

What began as a university student protest against the visit of the PRI candidate to the upcoming mexican presidential elections has quickly grown into a movement whose demands/desires echo so much that has been seen over the last year, from the Arab Spring to the Indignados in spain, from Syntagma in greece to Occupy in north america … perhaps the beginning of something more …

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From a cartography of 15M to cartographies of resistance/insurrection

As the first anniversary of 15M in spain passes, it is time to also change perspectives on the stories of resistance and rebellion that mark our times.  Autonomies began before the wave of insurrection that seems to have characterised 2011, and continues, but it was this extraordinary year that gave animus to our modest endeavour to clarify, explore, contribute to create freedom.  If certain parts of the gobal map have been emphasised, it is not because of some ideological position that expresses a collective belief that this is all that matters.  On the contrary, it is largely the result of contingencies in the lives of those who are Autonomies.  It is hoped of course that these emphases have been justified.

For myself, the effort has been to avoid strictly theoretical-apriori interpretations, to follow events as closely as possible, and when possible, to be present, to testify to, all that is taking place.  Impossible, of course, to follow everything, even in the spain of 15M, but the imperative to learn remains throughout.  As regards 15M, to write has been to place oneself between "the poetics and the theory, to write to bring to the con-fabulation of the world, to contribute, from within, to the creation of the the plaza, to prolong the event Sol." (Democracia Distribuida: Miradas de la Universidad Nómada al 15M, p. 31).

News from spain …

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David Harvey and “Rebel Cities”

David Harvey continues to explore the violence of capitalism with an impressive lucidity and determination.  And though his work has always been informed by a profound moral and political commitment, perhaps never has this been more evident than in the collection of essays, Rebel Cities.  Harvey critically analyses the place of the city in the capitalist economy, and through this, seeks to expand the space of anti-capitalist politics beyond the limits of the factory.  If the proletariat includes industrial labour, it also encompasses all of those who participate in the production of wealth and reproduction of the conditions necessary for sustaining capitalism, in the expanding urban-rural space that is today’s city.  A revolutionary politics against capitalism must therefore be conceived of within this context.  And in the face of the destruction of public wealth and the commons that is the hallmark of neoliberal capitalism, “there is only one possible response, which is for the populations to self-organize to provide their own commons” (p. 87).  This nevertheless raises fundamental political questions for any opposition: first, how is the production and distribution of wealth in a non/post-capitalist society to be assured and second, how is political power to be distributed across different size human communities.  Whether one agrees with Harvey’s own analyses and evaluations of anti-capitalist politics, the questions he poses are fundamental and the urgency of endeavouring to answer them obvious.

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A Poem by Vladimir Vysotsky

“I’d like to say a few words about these songs of mine. Many years ago, I was with my closest friends. From my various travels I have brought back for them… well, impressions, impressions in verse set to a sort of rhythm. So I took my guitar in hand and began to strum away. And what emerged was something like a song. But it was not a song. It was, the way I see it, poetry recited with musical accompaniment. In short, poetry set to rhythm. I remember the atmosphere then. It was the atmosphere of trust and unconstrained freedom, and, what’s more important, friendship.”
Vladimir Vysotsky

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15M: A Cartography of the Spanish Revolution 97

The police in Madrid now open fire to apprehend a street vender, and then beat those who witness the event …

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15M: A Cartography of the Spanish Revolution 96

Our eyes see very little and very badly – so people dreamed up the microscope to let them see invisible phenomena; they invented the telescope…now they have perfected the cinecamera to penetrate more deeply into he visible world, to explore and record visual phenomena so that what is happening now, which will have to be taken account of in the future, is not forgotten.

Provisional Instructions to Kino-Eye Groups, Dziga Vertov, 1926

 

15M’s short history has been recorded, expressed, created artistically through a remarkable diversity of media, media directly woven into the fabric of the movement.  Toma la plaza has also implied a taking of the arts.  It is far too early yet to discern radically novel artistic forms from the movement, though it has through video, television, radio, print media, graphic art, music, poetry, plastic arts, touched or given rise to expressive forms.  But then perhaps the movement itself, its’ radicalness, lies in its aesthetic reality, that is, in a politics of beauty.

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Mamfakinch: Campaign to Free all Political Prisoners in Morocco

Mamfakinch : For a General Political Amnesty in Morocco

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15M: A Cartography of the Spanish Revolution 95

15M has been described as a laboratory in which the impossible is invented, an initiator of new way of thinking and acting politically, a new type or modality of rebellion or revolution, something in the air or underground which feeds, gives rise to, continuously novel but contiguous expressions.  There is a kind of permanent and repeated emptying out of forms, which give rise to new forms, new possibilities-realities.

 

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Casseroles in Québec

 

Three Videos that capture the beauty of the Quebec social movement …

Casseroles – Montréal, 24th of May, by Jeremie Battaglia

 

Un grand tonnerre: Une lettre de Christian Nadeau, professeur de philosophie à l’UdM, interprétée par Christian Bégin et Dominique Leduc.

 

A video from May Day, Montréal …

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15M: A Cartography of the Spanish Revolution 94

One day after the Rajoy governement of spain approved a 20 thousand, million Euro bailout of the Bankia, police in Madrid intervened to close the Okupied Social Centre, La Salamanquesa.

The Centre was the result of an occupation of a building that had been abandoned for some 20 years.  Purchased by El Corte Inglés in 2007, for the expansion of its shopping centres, it would sit empty for the next 5 years.  Occupied in January of this year, La Salamanquesa became a creative cultural and social centre for an entire neighbourhood and for the city.  It will once again sit empty.

The statement from La Salamanquesa on the expulsion follows (in spanish) :

Comunicado sobre el desalojo de La Salamanquesa

En enero, un inmueble que llevaba 20 años abandonado recuperó la vida en el callejón de Peyre, en el distrito de Salamanca. En estos cinco meses, hasta que la policía lo ha desalojado este viernes 25 de mayo, ha sido un espacio abierto para un barrio, el de Fuente del Berro, que carecía de un centro social.

Un lugar que hasta entonces solo era un foco de problemas, se convirtió en un espacio de actividad rebosante. Ahí hemos celebrado un sinfín de actividades artísticas: exposiciones, conciertos, talleres de teatro, circo… hemos aprendido de electricidad, costura, jardinería… hemos desarrollado sistemas de transporte ecológico (taller de bicis), consumo responsable (tienda gratis, reciclaje de alimentos); hemos acogido asambleas y debates de todo tipo… y hasta en inglés. Hemos aprendido de todo y entre tod@s, y hemos replanteado casi por completo nuestros modelos de vida para construir una alternativa sostenible y anticapitalista.

Uno de los mayores exponentes del modelo contrario, El Corte Inglés, compró este edificio en 2007 aunque no lo usó para nada. Su único propósito ha sido especular con él hasta el punto de que ya está publicado en el Boletín Oficial el acuerdo por el que cambia al Ayuntamiento de Madrid esta parcela y otra en Vicálvaro, que juntas suman 10.000 metros cuadrados, por 25.000 metros cuadrados para que la meca del consumismo pueda ampliar tres de sus centros. Sin duda, un premio merecido a una de las empresas más adaptadas a su tiempo, por su largo historial de desprecio de los derechos humanos, empezando por los laborales.

En definitiva, El Corte Inglés, que en cinco años no había tenido ningún interés por el inmueble, denunció inmediatamente la okupación. Un juez rechazó la causa y la corporación recurrió aduciendo que tenía que usar el espacio con ”urgencia”, lo que ha aceptado finalmente un juez. El Ayuntamiento, que decía tener planes para este lugar desde mucho antes y que ya tenía cedida la propiedad, no ha hecho absolutamente nada. A la asamblea de La Salamanquesa le gustaría creer que su paso por el edificio ha servido para reactivar esos planes, aunque dudamos de la veracidad de sus intenciones. Lo que sí sabemos es que toda persona que ha pasado por el centro, lo ha visto y lo ha vivido, se lleva algo. Lo que nosotr@s hemos creado era un sueño que no depende del dinero, de instituciones corruptas, ni tan siquiera de un espacio físico. Solo de nuestra voluntad y de la de este barrio que está despertando.

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The intervention in La Salamanquesa is not a mere righting of an illegal gesture, even if that is how such actions are justified, because what is at stake in the occupations of unused, privately or publically owned spaces, is of far greater consequence.

Those involved in La Salamanquesa were of course conscious of the significance of their actions, for the okupation or squatting movement is not new in spain, or more broadly, in Europe.  And the manifesto of the occupation makes the political dimension of the act evident.  It is described as the liberation of a space, a liberation from the use of houses and lands for the speculative generation of wealth, with its’ attendant increase in the costs of renting or buying a house, the expulsion of poorer populations from the city centre to the periphery, the increase in the number of unoccupied and/or unused houses in that same centre, and a liberation for exchange, debate, participation, alternative culture, art, cooperation, self-management, friendship, solidarity, all practices and values that place the human before money.

The end of  La Salamanquesa is a victory of money, of capital.

The original manifesto (in Spanish) and a video follow:

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Manifiesto Centro Social Salamanquesa

Callejón del Peyré, Madrid,

Las personas que actualmente nos encontramos en el nuevo espacio liberado del Barrio de Salamanca trabajando con fines sociales manifestamos:

  • Que la okupación muestra nuestro rechazo por el uso de la vivienda y del suelo como modo de enriquecimiento.
  • Y denunciamos que mientras la periferia urbana crece desmesuradamente debido a la masiva construcción de viviendas con fines lucrativos, en los centros históricos aumenta la cantidad de viviendas abandonadas y cerradas.
  • Que nos consta que el espacio que okupamos lleva muchos años abandonado y que el propietario actual es El Corte Inglés el cual está negociando la cesión de estos terrenos con el ayuntamiento para sacar los máximos beneficios.
  • Que en el famoso distrito de Salamanca, conocido mayoritariamente por su opulencia, también existen zonas que carecen de servicios públicos, escuelas, bibliotecas, espacios deportivos, centros sociales, centros de mayores, etcétera.
  • Que el intercambio, el debate, la participación, el ocio alternativo, el arte, la cooperación, la autogestión, el compañerismo, la horizontalidad y la solidaridad son algunos de los valores que defendemos y que se centran sobretodo en el ser humano y no en el dinero.

Por todo ello hemos liberado este espacio e invitamos a todas las personas a participar en él.

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Video of  La Salamanquesa …

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=5Eg1LENyg38

To speak of La Salamanquesa on this occasion is first and foremost an act of solidarity and testimony of a moment and space of freedom and equality brought to an end by the State.  But it is also a moment to reflect on what such occupations are in a revolutionary politics.  The CSO La Salamanquesa was one of well over two dozen autonomous and self-managed okupied social centres in Madrid and surrounding area that serve a variety of purposes, but which can perhaps all be summarised by the aim of providing a space-time for the sharing of creativity, while simultaneosly contesting the oppression of private property, the transformation of human space into a commodity.  The CSO La Salamanquesa was then part of a series of okupations that have helped to define a political project that goes well beyond the simple re-appropriation of a physical space for private ends.

The post-Franco era okupations in Madrid have a history which helps to understand this emerging politics.  The CSO Minuesa, of the early 90s, is in this regard emblematic and its’ original manifesto says much about the ambitions of such centres.

The popular centre MINUESA aims to be a space of rupture, of self-management, of imagination, of solidarity and of struggle for the people of Lavapiés and Peñuelas and for all of the people who may wish to pass through these neighbourhoods and come to know realities distinct from those transmitted by television.

We want to give the possibility of creating a truly popular culture in which we recognise ourselves as people, breaking with the culture of spectacle which obliges us to remain pasive and acritical. …

The popular centre is a proposal to consolidate and reconstruct social links that give true life and identity to neighbourhoods, …

The centre will work through self-management, imagination and the expansion of the potential of neighbourhoods, … (from La “Okupación” como analizador)

(Video of the history of the CSO Minuesa : http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=XaYQaOzXlTw)

The contemporary squat, CSO Casablanca continues to explore the dynamic of a politics of okupation.  From its manifesto:

We don’t wish to take power, but rather destroy it; to destroy the monopoly of the use of force by the State, to destroy the relations of domination and control over the territory; to destroy the possibility of the accumulation of private property, of alienation, of atomization, of the self; until a concept of the We within a collective society is constituted.

… we will appropriate the territory that we believe belongs to us, and persuade others to do the same.  By means of self-organisation, autonomy, self-management and disobedience, we will continue experimenting, until we collectively manage all of the social spheres and structures that affect us, without any intervention by third parties.

The complete manifesto follows in spanish, along with a statement of principles of those involved in the okupation.

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Nuestra historia…y quién es Monteverde

Comunicado de la asamblea del CSO CasaBlanca

Cinco okupaciones han servido para mucho, pero sobre todo, para hacernos ver las cosas cada vez más claras.

Cinco okupaciones para reafirmarnos en nuestra posición de que somos antagónic@s y vivimos en una sociedad dual.

Cinco okupaciones que forman parte de un movimiento mundial que se convierten en la cruz de su cara.

No vamos a permitir que sigan invisibilizando el conflicto. Sus herramientas son claras y evidentes: el control y posesión del Capital. Un Capital que les ha permitido crear conceptos de “democracia, libertad, igualdad y justicia” en base al mismo, pero que su desigual distribución permite un goce asimétrico de estos principios. Les ha permitido crear un marco jurídico que permite destruir por la fuerza cualquier movimiento que cuestione la estructura de dominación, sin importar cómo se ponga en práctica dicho cuestionamiento.

Pero Cinco okupaciones nos abren los ojos más que nunca. Nos hacen ver que no podemos esperar a que por un milagro cambien las cosas, ni esperar que una estructura de oportunidades nos permita asestar el golpe final.

No queremos tomar el poder, sino destruirlo. Destruir el monopolio del uso de la fuerza del Estado, destruir las relaciones de dominación y control sobre el territorio. Destruir la posibilidad de acumulación de propiedad privada, la alienación, la atomización, y el Yo; hasta construir un concepto del Nosotr@s en una sociedad de tipo colectivista.

Cinco okupaciones que nos animan a seguir adelante: vamos a apropiarnos del territorio que consideramos nos pertenece, y animar al resto de personas a que lo hagan. A través de la auto-organización, la autonomía, la autogestión y la desobediencia, seguiremos experimentando, hasta que gestionemos de forma colectiva todos los ámbitos sociales y estructurales por los que nos vemos afectad@s, sin ninguna posibilidad de intervención de tercer@s.

Estas Cinco okupaciones nos muestran que estamos en una lucha permanente, y que la represión recaerá sobre nosotr@s. Pero no vamos a parar y seguiremos adelante, porque sabemos que no estamos sol@s y que a la quinta no va la vencida. Ahora más que nunca, queremos hacer un llamamiento a el apoyo mutuo, la solidaridad y la internacionalización de la lucha. Porque sol@s no podemos, pero con vosotr@s sí…

NINGÚN DESALOJO SIN RESPUESTA

(http://www.csocasablanca.org/Nuestra-historia-y-quien-es.html)

Principios básicos

Todas las personas que integramos Casablanca conocemos y respetamos unos PRINCIPIOS BÁSICOS que han sido definidos por consenso de la Asamblea y que nos sirven de guía PARA FUNCIONAR EN EL DÍA A DÍA.

Estos principios se aplican en cada grupo que funciona dentro del Centro Social, desde el más grande (un Plenario) hasta el más pequeño (dos personas interactuando). Puedes proponer a debate cualquier otro principio que te parezca importante y que aún no hayamos definido:

Horizontalidad: todas las personas participamos y decidimos con voz propia, y disfrutamos de los mismos deberes y derechos. Es importante escuchar y respetar cada opinión, evitando los roles de poder y buscando el consenso en cada decisión.

Autonomía: Cada persona, colectivo o taller se representa a sí misma, potenciando lo común, a través de la asamblea del centro social. Casablanca en tanto que espacio autónomo es un proceso de aprendizaje, es una respuesta colectiva que mantiene un conflicto abierto con las instituciones económicas y políticas de esta ciudad, pero también es el reflejo de un deseo común por vivir aquí y ahora de otra manera.

Autogestión: Casablanca se construye entre todas las personas que participan del espacio, asistiendo a la Asamblea y los Plenarios, colaborando en el mantenimiento del espacio, en la autofinanciación del proyecto y aportando lo que cada una quiera.

Autodefensa: todas las personas defendemos el proyecto, conociendo los aspectos legales, organizándonos y resistiendo juntas, permaneciendo unidas en los momentos difíciles, asumiendo nuestro trocito de responsabilidad.

Apoyo mutuo: Casablanca es un conjunto de proyectos variados, diferentes y únicos, como las personas que los integran, mostrando esa rica diversidad que tiene la vida ¡y que defendemos! Todas conocemos, respetamos y apoyamos los proyectos de otras, permaneciendo en comunicación y tejiendo redes, defendiendo lo diferente en una contestación directa a esta sociedad homogeneizante y estandarizadora.

Espacio seguro: Casablanca quiere ser un lugar seguro para todas las personas que conviven en él; para conseguirlo no toleramos ningún tipo de actitud violenta (agresiones verbales o físicas, acosos o abusos sexuales, discriminación o marginación, etc). Las personas que no consigan comportarse de forma madura y ser responsables con las demás no podrán quedarse en el espacio. Pedimos la implicación responsable de las personas que presenciemos una agresión, para poder restablecer entre todas la seguridad del espacio.

(http://www.csocasablanca.org/Principios-basicos.html)

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An older left has often dismissed okupations for a number of different reasons.  They have been said to be irrelevant to the struggle against capitalism, for they confuse a peripheral issue (housing) for the central struggle, reforming or taking the means of production and the State.  The factory then is the central stage of political combat, not the city.  As a corollary, Okupation movements are often said to be little more than the impotent expression of petty bourgeois economic failure and therefore what they can at best accomplish is the self-management of their own misery.  From the left’s more reformist incarnations, okupations are simply condemned as illegal.

One could promptly dismiss the issue of legality on the grounds that there has yet to be a legal radical or revolutionary change in any society, were it not for the fact that the debate exists within the okupation movement itself .  What needs be added then is that the legalisation of an Okupied Social Centre will inevitably undermine any ambitions to break with the existing political and economic order.  The politics expressed by the manifesto of CSO Casablanca, as with that of so many other Okupied Social Centres, can simply not be given a legal framework  Indeed, to do so would be to destroy it.

The more difficult question is whether or not okupation movements actually threaten capitalism.  What one must first do of course is move away from any simplistic notion of the capitalist economy which reduces it to the extraction of profit from factory labour.  Equally fundamental to such an economy is the circulation and absorption of profit, in such a manner that the economy continues to expand.  The city here then plays, and has always played, an essential role, with momumental consequences for urban life : massive makeovers of city spaces (e.g. Haussmann’s Paris), suburbanization, global urbanisation, polarisation of social and spatial divisions, displacement of poor populations, and so on.  The violence of such processes is evident, but it is a violence rooted in the city’s central role as a space of capitalist surplus value or profit absorption.  To contest how a city is governed poltically and economically is therefore not to engage with some marginal reality to capitalism, but rather to touch its’ very heart.  And the political question becomes how and by whom is the production and use of wealth in the city to be controled.

(I am here but following the reflections of David Harvey’s “The Right to the City” in the NLR.  See : http://newleftreview.org/II/53/david-harvey-the-right-to-the-city)

Okupations for the purpose of creating politically committed Social Centres, or for the purpose of housing the homeless, victims of capitalist urban politics, or defending people in their homes from threatened home foreclosures, can all be a part of the multiple political practices necessary to creating a human reality beyond capitalism.

All of the kinds of interventions mentioned above have been taken up within and in parallel with spain’s 15M, which helps to explain the authorities increasing impatience and intolerance towards these kinds of forms of activity.  The threat is evident in their minds.  And by putting an end to okupations, they not only eliminate spaces of poltical organisation, but also and above all protect the class interests of those who dominate the economy.  The most fitting response can therefore only be …

¡Un desalojo, otra ocupación !

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