The struggle for a commons: Chronicles from spain

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Civil war is the free play between forms-of-life; it is their principle of co-existence.

“War” because in each singular play between forms- of-life, the possibility of a fierce confrontation — the possibility of violence — can never be discounted.  “Civil,” because the confrontation between forms-of-life is not a confrontation between States—those coincidences between a population and a territory — but between parties, in the sense this word had before the advent of the modern State. Because we must be precise from now on, let us say that they confront one another as partisan war machines.  “Civil war” then, because forms-of-life are indifferent to the separations between men from women, political existence from bare life, civilians from military; because to be neutral is to take sides in the free play of forms-of-life; because this play between forms-of-life has no beginning or end that can be declared, its sole end being the physical end of the world that no one would be able to declare; and above all because I know of no body that is not hopelessly carried off into the excessive, the perilous, course of the world.

Tiqqun, Introduction to the Civil War

On the morning of the 3rd of October, some 50 people occupied an apartment building on Cadete Julio Llompart Street of Madrid – now known as edificio ocupado britanny.  The building was appropriated in the context of what has come to be called the Obra Social, a political campaign driven in Madrid by housing assemblies of 15M and nationally by the PAH (Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipteca).  Elsewhere in the country, 13 buildings have been taken in Cataluña and 1 in Torrevieja.  This has been paralleled by the Corralas occupation movement of Andalucia.  The PAH alone has been able to house over 700 people.

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The Free Voice of Labor/Freie Arbeiter Stimme: The Jewish Anarchists

“The Free Voice of Labor: The Jewish Anarchists” traces the history of a Yiddish anarchist newspaper (Fraye Arbeter Shtime – The Free Voice of Labor) publishing its final issue after 87 years. Narrated by anarchist historian Paul Avrich, the story is mostly told by the newspaper’s now elderly, but decidedly unbowed staff. It’s the story of one of the largest radical movements among Jewish immigrant workers in the 19th and 20th centuries, the conditions that led them to band together, their fight to build trade unions, their huge differences with the communists, their attitudes towards violence, Yiddish culture, and their loyalty to one another.

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The ecstasy of revolution: Gustav Landauer

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Only when anarchy becomes, for us, a dark, deep dream, not a vision attainable through concepts, can our ethics and our actions become one.

We want to be everything though: humans, animals, and Gods!  We want to be heroes!

In revolution, everything happens incredibly quickly, just like in dreams in which people seem to be freed from gravity.

We are proud and secure enough to demand a new age; an age where people live in a beautiful and joyful world.

Gustav Landauer

Gustav Landauer, writing as an anarchist, at the end of the 19th century, states that “we have no political beliefs – we have beliefs against politics”. (79)*  Anarchism as anti-politics may sound to many, enigmatic.  Even if anarchists oppose the authority of the State, do they not do so as part of a political movement?  Is not anarchism an anti-State politics?  Can one not speak of an anarchist politics?  Landauer’s refusal of politics suggests a negative answer to these questions.  And more significantly, it points towards a conception of anarchism, or more broadly, of anarchist-socialist revolution, that is in many ways not only distinct from more traditional conceptions of the same, but is also far more profound in its radical implications.

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Anti-fascism: A struggle against fear

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A foreigner, returning from a trip to the Third Reich

When asked who really ruled there, answered:

Fear.

Bertold Brecht

Fear is the food of the sovereign.  Fear of the enemy without, fear of those enemies who may also lie within, fear of all who may be objectively enemies, responsible for future possible crimes.  Between the democratic and fascist sovereign, the difference is one of quantity.  Between them there is a filial relation.  Fascism is but the violent theatrical excess of the “rule of law”.  The excess however has become permanent; it is the state of exception of our world.

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In the days of our wars

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…Empire has succeeded in shaping, out of the debris of civilisation, a new humanity, organically won over to its cause: citizens.  Citizens are those who, in the very midst of the general social conflagration, persist in proclaiming their abstract participation in a society that no longer exists, except negatively, by the terror that it exercises against all of those who threaten to desert it, and in so doing, survive it.  The hazards and the reasons that produce the citizen take us to the heart of the imperial enterprise: to attenuate forms-of-life, to neutralise bodies, and it is this enterprise that the citizen in turn prolongs by the self-annulation of risk that he presents for the imperial milieu.  This variable portion of unconditional agents that Empire draws upon in every population forms the human reality of Spectacle and Biopower, the point of their absolute coincidence.

Tiqqun, Ceci n’est pas un programme       

The state of exception has become our rule.  Militarised police forces and private security agencies, systems of surveillance, algorithmic processing and identification of patterns of “deviant” behaviour: the enemies are within, because the Empire is everywhere.  And behind every face may lay an enemy.  Everyone is suspect; therefore all must be catalogued for the safety of each.   You are being watched and therefore you are secure.  The police guarantee circulation, movement, speed; all those who would interrupt the flows of money, merchandise, spectacle compromise the production of happiness.  These are the enemies.  What politics remains is the management of movement, a movement that smoothly repeats itself, affirms itself for no reason other than itself, a movement that goes nowhere except to turn back on its self.  Nihilism of lights and sounds, of stimulations, animates our emptiness.  And a panoply of State apparatuses polices the sites of animation; something that some still deign to call the rule of law.

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The fascist face of capitalism: In memory of Pavlos Fyssas

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The death of one at the hand of fascists is the death of all.  It testifies to a failure, the failure of our ability to resist, and possibly to understand how to resist.  Fascism is not a simple political irrationality; it is born in the very entrails of the violence that is capitalism.  It is a permanent possibility of a politics that reduces us all to mere existence, to the struggle of self-interested survival, where all of those around us are either feared or envied, and used whenever possible.  The politics of sovereignty is that of war, sometimes restrained within a semblance of legality, at other times, unleashed upon those who would refuse it.  Fascism is simply its ugliest face.  The barbarism of our time, that yesterday took the life of musician and poet Pavlos Fyssas, in Athens, at the hands of Golden Dawn thugs, will not be addressed by appeals to law, for the law in this instance protects the violence, the violence of poverty, humiliation, despair, racism, oppression.  Fascism can only be combated when the state of exception under which we find ourselves is taken as the condition for a politics of exception, a rebellious, revolutionary politics of human freedom and equality.

In memory of Pavlos Fyssas and all of those who die so wastefully … ¡No Pasaran!

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Rebelling against debt: examples from spain

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… discourses of crises become a way to governmentally produce and manage (rather than deter) the crisis.  “Crisis” becomes a perennial state of exception that turns into a rule and common sense and thus renders critical thinking and acting redundant, irrational, and ultimately unpatriotic.  The boundaries of political space are determined and naturalized accordingly.  This, neoliberalism is not primarily a particular mode of economic management, but rather a political rationality and mode of governmental reasoning that both constructs and manages the realm to be regulated.

Athena Athanasiou, Dispossession

 

On the 17th of September, in Madrid, a 45 year old woman, Amparo, brought her life to an end on receiving notice of her immanent eviction, for a debt of 900 Euros.  She leaves behind 6 children, 3 of them minors (Periódico Diagonal, 17/09/2013).

On the morning of the 11th of September, 12 anti-riot police vehicles, with over a 100 fully armed, militarised police carried out the eviction of a young woman, Amaya (Periodismo Humano, 12/09/2013).

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Occupy Wall Street, two years on …

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(poster from the Brooklyn Artist's Alliance)

Anniversaries are always problematic.  While celebratory, they lend themselves to nostalgia, nostalgia for past feats, glories, passions, which may mask present poverty and paralyse action in the present.  They also lend themselves to accountings of past successes and failures that often sin in exaggerated evaluations, positively or negatively.

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The Sirens of representation: 15M before the seduction of elections

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… all power is derived from the people, they possess it only on the days of their elections.  After this it is the property of their rulers.

Benjamin Rush

… we are confronted even in the midst of the French Revolution with the conflict between the modern party system and the new revolutionary organs of self-government.  These two systems, so utterly unlike and even contradictory to each other, were born at the same moment.  The spectacular success of the party system and the no less spectacular failure of the council system were both due to the rise of the nation-state, which elevated the one and crushed the other … We have become so used to thinking of domestic politics in terms of party politics that we are inclined to forget that the conflict between the two systems has actually been a conflict between parliament, the source and the seat of power of the party system, and the people; for no matter how successfully a party may ally itself with the masses in the street and turn against the parliamentary system, once it has decided to seize power … it can never deny that its origin lies in the fractional strife of parliament, and that it therefore remains a body whose approach to the people is from without and from above.

Hannah Arendt

… what is at issue in the revolutionary transformation of the world is not whose power but the very existence of power.  What is at issue is not who exercises power, but how to create a world based on mutual recognition of human dignity, on the formation of social relations which are not power relations.

John Holloway 

Spain’s 15M was born out of the refusal of representation; political representation, first and foremost, but also economic and social.  “15-M arose with the proud vocation to defend the perspective of self-management and of the assembly from below, in complete independence from any external institution”. (Carlos Taibo 08/09/2013)  In other words, it condemned all mediation that reduces communities to passivity and inevitably domination, as regards their fate.  “¡Que no, que no, que no nos representan!” has been the slogan sung at every gathering, every demonstration; a cry of indignation at arbitrary and unchecked rule.

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The poetry of a revolution: In memory of chile

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Forty years ago (11/09/1973), chile’s revolution was brought to a violent close by the intervention of the country’s military, with the support and connivance of local and international capitalist interests.  Thousands would die, and many more would be imprisoned, tortured and forced into exile.  The radical beauty of chile’s revolution, however incomplete it proved to be, is testified to by its continuing resonance in chile’s and other countries’ histories, until our own present.  In celebration of that beauty, there is perhaps no more fitting a voice than that of Neruda, who sung of poetry as revolution and of revolution as poetry.

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