Integral Revolution: Enric Duran

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It is difficult to imagine a radical change away from capitalism exclusively through protest.  Even if the taking of the State by an anti-capitalist movement (peacefully or violently) is conceded as a possibility, it is not at all clear how the taking of the State by itself will see the movement through (the history of social democratic and communist parties bears testimony to this failure).

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Tales of working class heros: Salt of the earth

… from libcom.org:

This drama film is one of the first pictures to advance the feminist social and political point of view. Its plot centres on a long and difficult strike, based on the 1951 strike against the Empire Zinc Company in Grant County, New Mexico. In the film, the company is identified as “Delaware Zinc,” and the setting is “Zinctown, New Mexico.” The film shows how the miners, the company, and the police react during the strike. In neorealist style, the producers and director used actual miners and their families as actors in the film.

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Witnessing our times: Film from Gezi

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I’m an eye. A mechanical eye. I, the machine, show you a world the way only I can see it. I free myself for today and forever from human immobility. I’m in constant movement. I approach and pull away from objects. I creep under them. I move alongside a running horse’s mouth. I fall and rise with the falling and rising bodies. This is I, the machine, manoeuvring in the chaotic movements, recording one movement after another in the most complex combinations.

Freed from the boundaries of time and space, I co-ordinate any and all points of the universe, wherever I want them to be. My way leads towards the creation of a fresh perception of the world. Thus I explain in a new way the world unknown to you.

Dziga Vertov

Two films testify to the violence and beauty of our time, a seizing hold of memories of resistance, not as they were, but as flashes of present possibility that remains ours …

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All power to the plenums: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s insurrection

Generalised self-management is simply the totality in accordance with which the councils unitarily inaugurate a style of life based on permanent and collective imagination …

Raoul Vaneigem

… power does not define itself only by its capacity to make itself obeyed, but above all by its capacity to command.  A power does not fall only when one ceases to obey it, or no longer completely so, but when it ceases to give orders.

Giorgio Agamben


A spectre haunts capitalism, the spectre of a people assembled.  From Tahrir to Puerta del Sol, from Syntagma to Zuccotti Park, from Taksim to the city assemblies of brazil, the social movements of our time resonate with protests whose forms of life are communities gathered without leadership, command or hierarchy; communities made in an ongoing self-creation.  Governed by principles of freedom (all may be introduced for debate) and equality (all may speak), the assemblies of our rebellions are open, horizontal and participatory.  Though born of protest, and often vehicles for the formulation of demands on State authority, they are far more than simple instruments for a counter or dual power, more than the ground of future constituent processes.  Through them, a people emerge, defined not by social position, function or ontology (class, sex/gender, ethnicity, race, etc.), to be accordingly judged revolutionary or reactionary, but by the autonomous self-making of a singularity that fractures and transgresses State and social identities.  With these last suspended, or destroyed, the instrumentalisation of the assembly for State centred politics is rendered secondary, is questioned and challenged, as it becomes the space and time for the shaping of new subjectivities, new ways of being in the world.

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The ethics of disobedience: 22M Madrid, The March of Dignity

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A state is called the coldest of all cold monsters. Coldly lieth it also; and this lie creepeth from its mouth: “I, the state, am the people.” … Where there is still a people, there the state is not understood, but hated as the evil eye, and as sin against laws and customs.

 Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra

One may question the effectiveness of protest, if protest is evaluated according to its success in overcoming or changing that which the protest is against.  Protests against government policy which do little or nothing to alter it can therefore be judged as failures.  But such a view is far too limited an appreciation of the significance of disobedience.  Protest is ultimately rooted in indignation, in an ethical rejection of that which is suffered by others and oneself.  And the act of protest, along with its consequences, is always radically unpredictable, and thus something that may always open up possibilities.  Protest is life before injustice.

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Not for bread alone: Berkin Elvan

from a friend of Autonomies

“We live under an occupation, under police occupation”
The Coming Insurrection

“À chaque instant de son existence, la police rappelle à l’État la violence, la trivialité et l’obscurité de son origine”
Introduction à la guerre civile,
Tiqqun

The police is the most present and the most visible physical expression of the state. It has been a lawful companion to dissidents all over the world. What remains of the assumed function of the police as a protector of the citizens? Virtually nothing. And the clashes between citizens and the police that populate half of the news headlines today are the perpetual reminder that the police are never a protector, always a perpetrator. The presence of the police as a measure of security no longer holds. The police, as a faceless death machine, provide a space of state extension and epitomize its violence. The assumption that the police’s presence is ‘almost’ always benign must be abandoned. Increasingly, the police today assume a necropolitical function. The murder of Carlo Giuliani in Genoa in 2001 testifies to such. Today, we can no longer talk about the police as such, today, we have a very specific form of police, which specializes in deciding who lives and who dies. The police today are a necropolice.

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Rule by murder: For Berkin Elvan

;

The State and Capitalism do not kill by accident, consequence of inattention or moral failure.  The domination and appropriation of human creativity can only be violent, whether it be the violence of its law, institutionalised, or the violence of securing it.  Those who then find themselves more obviously in its path thus risk all.  Berkin Elvan was killed during the Gezi Park-Taksim Square occupation in Istanbul.  But not as a protester.  His crime was to have been in the streets during the State violence unleashed against the occupation: the crime of assuming that one had the freedom to move about in public, that to go out to purchase bread broke no law, that the State's task is to protect and not to destroy citizens.  Berkin Elvin's crime was to believe that he was free.

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The dance of rebellion: brazil

Gustavo Piqueira

Lá não tem claro-escuro
A luz é dura
A chapa é quente
Que futuro tem
Aquela gente toda
Perdido em ti
Eu ando em roda
É pau, é pedra
É fim de linha
É lenha, é fogo, é foda

Chico Buarque,Subúrbio 

Brazil’s winter of protest last June was a confluence of protests and movements whose initial motive was to contest increases in bus fares in various cities throughout the country.  Actors from struggles, popular organisations, political movements and those who had never taken to the streets before, found common cause.  If the mass protests then waned, it was not a sign that the movement passed away, even with the suspension of the fare increases.

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Nuit et Brouillard: For Alain Resnais

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In memory of Alain Resnais who died this last March the 3rd …

In 1933, Walter Benjamin could write of the technology of war unleashed upon those who fought during WWI, that it destroyed human experience, the very thing which permitted the passing of wisdom and counsel from one generation to the next.  The story tellers were no more.

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The Assault

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Neoliberalism: the transfer of social wealth to private hand, enforced by the State.  The lie of an expansion of free markets and free human economic activity is belied by State enforced appropriations of commons, created over generations, for private gain and the police repression of all dissenting protest and practice.  It is a “government of death”, in the words of Boaventura Sousa Santos.  And although he refers by this expression to the Portuguese government’s cuts in pensions, which over the last 3 years ranges between 40 and 50 percent, it is of the essence of neoliberalism; a biopolitics which invests and manages human life politically, to then decide between those lives which are exploitable, and the degree of exploitation, and those who are redundant and burdensome.  The death of these latter is not murder, nor is it sacrifice.  They are like ancient Rome’s Homo Sacer.  The pensioner, in this instance, falls inevitably into the latter category.  But today, we are all Homo Sacer.

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