Omnia Sint Communia

Rumi, by Iranian artist Hossein Behzad (1957)

Dervish at the Door

A dervish knocked at a house
to ask for a piece of dry bread,
or moist, it didn’t matter.

“This is not a bakery,” said the owner.

“Might you have a bit of gristle then?”

“Does this look like a butchershop?”

“A little flour?”

“Do you hear a grinding stone?”

“Some water?”

“This is not a well.”

Whatever the dervish asked for,
the man made some tired joke
and refused to give him anything.

Finally the dervish ran in the house,
lifted his robe, and squatted
as though to take a shit.

“Hey, hey!”

“Quiet, you sad man. A deserted place
is a fine spot to relieve oneself,
and since there’s no living thing here,
or means of living, it needs fertilizing.”

The dervish began his own list of questions and answers.

“What kind of bird are you? Not a falcon,
trained for the royal hand. Not a peacock,
painted with everyone’s eyes. Not a parrot,
that talks for sugar cubes. Not a nightingale,
that sings like someone in love.

Not a hoopoe bringing messages to Solomon,
or a stork that builds on a cliffside.

What exactly do you do?
You are no known species.

You haggle and make jokes
to keep what you own for yourself.

You have forgotten the One
who doesn’t care about ownership,
who doesn’t try to turn a profit
from every human exchange.”


The Guest House

This being human is a guest house.
Every morning a new arrival.

A joy, a depression, a meanness,
some momentary awareness comes
as an unexpected visitor.

Welcome and entertain them all!
Even if they’re a crowd of sorrows,
who violently sweep your house
empty of its furniture,
still, treat each guest honorably.
He may be clearing you out
for some new delight.

The dark thought, the shame, the malice,
meet them at the door laughing,
and invite them in.

Be grateful for whoever comes,
because each has been sent
as a guide from beyond.


Jalal al-Din Muhammad Rumi (1207 – 1273)

(Coleman Barks transl.)

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The empire’s death engine strikes again

A missile fired by Iran is intercepted by Israel near the northern city of Baqa al-Gharbiya on 1 October 2024 (Ahmad Gharabli/AFP)

From Freedom News (16/06/2025)


Israel’s attack on Iran marks the latest phase of global war capitalism—subcontracted settler-colonialism and genocidal thanatopolitics converge, as Western regimes and their enemies arm and threaten with Armageddon

~ Blade Runner ~

The Israeli state has escalated once again, launching war on Iran with a large-scale strike—Operation Rising Lion—which began on June 13, hitting over 100 sites across the country, including Tehran. The operation seeks to compromise the Iranian regime, dismantling its military command, strategic infrastructure, and governance capacity—as Netanyahu eyes his political survival.

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Victor Artola: Los Angeles, or the End of Assimilation

Photo of the LA protests by Etienne Laurent, Agence France Presse

From Ill Will (14/06/2025)


As we entered the fifth month of the second Trump era, the explosive social movements that marked the close of the 2010s seemed like a distant memory. The fifth anniversary of the burning of the Third Precinct in Minneapolis came and went almost unremarked upon, and in the weeks leading up to it rumors of a Derek Chauvin pardon were swirling across news outlets. Conflict seemed relegated to departmental staffing cuts and budget reshufflings, while the palace intrigue of the Musk affair afforded ersatz enjoyment in the absence of the real thing. However, Los Angeles’s mass anti-ICE mobilization — set off by the opening of a new stage in the state’s deportation strategy — has reignited that old summer feeling. Shorn of “the resistance” for the moment, rebellion is once again in the air.

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Fire and Ice: Lessons from the Battle of Los Angeles

An anonymous text, published at Ill Will (14/06/2025)


A printable zine version can be downloaded here.


I think I’ll stay on this earthquake fault near this still-active volcano in this armed fortress facing a dying ocean & covered w/dirt while the streets burn up & the rocks fly & pepper gas lays us out cause that’s where my friends are, you bastards, not that you know what that means. —Diane Di Prima, “Revolutionary Letter #52”

Momentum in the movement against mass deportations had been building for weeks. From San Diego to Martha’s Vineyard, spontaneous confrontations with ICE agents were already happening. Alongside that, there had been coordinated actions of activists and rapid response networks, including efforts to blockade ICE vans in downtown Manhattan.

Everyone knew it was about to explode. Then, in Los Angeles, it finally happened. Crowds gathered in response to ICE raids in several neighborhoods. This was followed by protests night after night outside of the Metropolitan Detention Center, where arrested migrants were being held. 

Efforts to blockade ICE raids and the detention center led to clashes with the police. Crowds spread throughout downtown and other neighborhoods. Protesters blocked streets and highways, fought police with stones and fireworks, built barricades, and set several cars on fire. On Sunday night, the chief of police announced that the LAPD was overwhelmed. Trump had already decided to send in the National Guard and, soon after, the Marines.

The explosion was always going to begin in Los Angeles. But now that the fire has started, it is beginning to expand. Protests have spread to dozens of cities across the country. Upwards of a thousand arrests, and counting. Texas and Missouri have deployed the National Guard. 

Unrest has now spread inside immigrant detention centers. A riot inside of Delaney Hall Detention Facility in Newark, New Jersey led to several migrants tearing down a wall and escaping. The detention center, which has just reopened, might close.

What follows are some lessons from the battle of Los Angeles that could prove useful today, as the movement to stop the deportation machine begins to spread and deepen.

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Don’t Let LA Stand Alone: A Message to the Gathering Resistance

From It’s going down, 13/06/2025


Over the past week, tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets of Los Angelesfighting to defend their neighborhoods and family members from ICE, facing off with the National Guard to demand those imprisoned by DHS be released, and fiercely pushing back against the brutality of the LAPD. This bravery has been inspiring, especially in the face of bloodthirsty attacks by the state.

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Agustín García Calvo, or Thought as Direct Action

Agustín García Calvo en 1990. Miguel Novack

Agustín García Calvo, poet, dramaturgist, essayist, linguist, philosopher is sadly very little known in the English speaking world. And as an “anarchist”, who would refuse the term, his contributions to “anarchism”, or to a way of thinking describable as anarchistic, are significant. In the essay that we share below, by the philosopher Jordi Carmona Hurtado, we follow García Calvo’s rejection of abstract, theoretical elaborations of anarchism – that would push it into the hands of academicians -, without thereby falling into a blind and reflex activism. What García Calvo endeavoured to do was to trace a path where thought itself is conceived as a form of action that shatters categorical identities (abstract ideas, institutions, traditions, etc.), that leads not their mere negation, but that opens up the infinity-indefinite of the unlimited, of that which is without limit; what the Presocratic philosopher Anaximander called the apeiron; what we might call “anarchism” as a sort of via negativa.

From Redes Libertarias, 18/02/2025


In an important recent book, Au voleur! Anarchisme et philosophie (PUF, 2022)/Stop Thief! Anarchism and Philosophy (Polity, 2024), Cathérine Malabou has argued that some of the most significant thinkers in contemporary philosophy have “stolen” impulses, orientations and concepts from anarchism, in order to develop a critique of domination or a logic of government, without at the same time acknowledging their origin, and without ever recognising themselves as anarchists. Thus, anarchism or anarchist social thought would be the unconfessed source of the thought of philosophers such as Schürmann, Levinas, Derrida, Foucault, Agamben or Rancière, who at the same time have always dissociated themselves from the label. There would thus be a persistent denial of anarchism, in a contemporary thought that at the same time draws heavily from it; as if the relationship between philosophers and anarchist literature were hiden up the sleeve and clandestine, as something a little shameful, practised but not declared; an anarchism that is first plundered by philosophy, and later disguised in sublimated conceptual expressions. However, this is beginning to change nowadays, with what has been called an “anarchist turn” in theory, in which various thinkers, one might say, are beginning to come out of the closet. This is what happens with Malabou in philosophy, when she develops a properly anarchist philosophical concept, that of the “ungovernable”. And something similar happens in other branches of research and creation, such as with the anthropologist David Graeber, or with the ?ction author Ursula K. Le Guin. So it seems that anarchism today tends to become more presentable in the worthy debates of academic culture.

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The white shadow

From Lundi matin #479, 10/06/2025


In the rubble of Gaza, a white patch for a white coat…

Safiya means “pure” in Arabic, as in the image of the world that remains “pure” when only the shadows of of the shadows of humans remain.

A man walks alone on the ruins of Gaza. Around him, no hospital rubble, no buried bodies, no lingering ghosts are discernible. There is only the idea of a greyness that brings the earth back to the earth through the hubris that makes the elevation and the urge to destroy it necessary. A white patch lost in an abstraction of rubble, the silence of corpses on which it feeds. The abstract has the power to devour the anonymous bodies that suffered to facilitate its construction, until they dissolve into the senselessness of a variation, that of the same colour, the same drama: the ashen waves carry the ochre of the world to the soot of its ruin.

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Mutual Aid, the Commons, and the Revolutionary Abolition of Capitalism

From the CrimethInc. collective (06/06/2025)


Revisiting the Difference Between Mutual Aid and Charity

Much has been made of the distinction between charity and mutual aid. Charity is top-down and unidirectional, while mutual aid is supposed to be horizontal, reciprocal, and participatory. In practice, however, the majority of today’s self-described mutual aid projects remain more or less unidirectional efforts to provide goods and services to those in need.

This has contributed to a situation in which conventional non-profit organizations are rebranding themselves with the language of “mutual aid,” while some anarchists have given up on the concept entirely, fed up with a rhetoric that some say amounts to “mutual aid being good and radical, and charity being bad and conservative.”

Is there more to the distinction than this? How could we unlock the revolutionary potential of mutual aid?

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Gabriel Azaïs: Artificial Intelligence, or the End of Technics

From Ill Will (18/04/2025)


The aim of AI is not so much to replace man with the machine but to make it so that man behaves, acts like a machine, that society as a whole technicizes through a subtle play, by turns, of normalization and imitation. AI intensifies the underlying process of technical representation of our society, where man tends to enter himself as a digital quantity (and where, consequently, he no longer has any importance).


While much criticism of artificial intelligence still circles around fantasies of robot competitors rising up against man, the following essay aims to turn the problem around: the real concern with AI research, Azaïs argues, lies not in humanlike robots but in the impoverished image of humanity to which it condemns us by its reduction of human intelligence to the level of technics or calculation. By breaking down and translating human reasoning, communication, and decision into the computerized language of tasks, computation does not replace man with the machine but ensures that man “behaves and acts like a machine, that society as a whole technicizes through a subtle play, by turns, of normalization and imitation.” 

Taking his cue from French philosopher Jacques Ellul, Azaïs argues that such ostensibly scientific aspects of “AI technology” are inextricable from a Promethean myth that is not only necessary to its functioning, but also works to conceal the alienation it itself produces. Fictions such as “artificial general intelligence” and the “singularity” not only bind together an otherwise motley jumble of techniques and applications with no connection or foundation, they also reinforce a magical belief in the omnipotence of technology. This sacralized image of technics, embodied in the paradoxical quest to produce an autonomous and all-powerful demiurgic creature, inverts and distorts the truth of the technological system on which it relies. In reality, the efficacy of AI depends precisely on the integration of human life into a technicized social system, a “cybernetic utopia” in which human decision, right, and law have been replaced by the technical fact of algorithmic governmentality. Millenarian myths about the “future of AI” are therefore ultimately nothing but mystified personifications of the oppressive heteronomy of our present condition. In them, the very source of our alienation — a technical system that invisibilizes, denatures, and destroys all that eludes its single-minded rationality — is transformed into a supernatural sci-fi fantasy whose “autonomy” is merely an inverted reflection of our current passivity. 

As techno-feudalist dystopias continue to engulf the American ruling class, the effort to combat them cannot content itself with a narrowly political opposition, but must simultaneously incorporate strategies to desacralize technics. The profanation of techniques, as Ellul and Azaïs remind us, forms a precondition for any effort at genuine liberation.

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Miquel Amorós: The new internationalism in the struggle for de-globalisation

From Redes libertarias (17/12/2024)


I am asked to reflect on the constraints imposed by state frameworks – borders, languages, national idiosyncrasies – when building relations on a global scale. Such a reflection cannot be carried out in the abstract, but rather on the basis of a given situation at a given time. Let’s say we are in Europe today, when, without thinking too much about it, a social movement with libertarian characteristics, originating in local struggles, considers linking up with other similar movements in other states. One might think that the movement in question should be sufficiently consolidated and enlightened to set itself more ambitious goals, beyond the local sphere in which it was circumscribed. We would then deduce that a cumulative process of experience would have culminated and that the degree of development achieved would allow the “globalisation” of the movement. The overcoming of the state framework would therefore necessarily take place from the inside out. However, there are historical examples to the contrary. The International Workers’ Association was not first constituted in spaces delimited by the state. A local committee convened a congress attended by various delegates with different levels of representativeness; the idea caught on and soon “regional” organisations were formed and further congresses were held. State frameworks were not an obstacle. A general atmosphere was in the air in the various social scenes of the capitalist world prior to the emergence of the IWA. The local was at the same time universal. The proletarian condition extended to all corners of the planet in the same way, so that any worker could feel the most geographically distant struggles as his own. Contrary to the struggles of the bourgeoisie, which pursued the constitution of national states, proletarian struggles transcended any state barrier: they were internationalist by nature. Moreover, the First International saw itself as the bearer of the seeds of the future society. Such a society would result from the universalisation of the organisation of the International. Only the bridge between reality and the future would have to be built either through the parliamentary action of strong political parties, according to the Marxist current, or through “a powerful but always invisible revolutionary collectivity preparing the revolution and leading it”, according to the Bakuninist current.

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