Jacques Rancière: The anarchy of democracy

During the French presidential campaign, the candidates and the media saturated the environment with references to the “people”.  Before the final results, on the 7th of May, the journal Ballast conducted an interview with Jacques Rancière on the use and misuse of the term.  We share the text, in translation, for its intrinsic interest – Rancière, over the course of his work, has developed an essentially anarchist interpretation of “democracy”, a concept also much criticised within the anarchist tradition – as well as, as a kind of unintentional commentary on Eduardo Viveiros de Castro’s essay, “The involuteers of the fatherland”, posted earlier.

For Viveiros de Castro, a “people” are necessarily tied to a place, to land; there is even an ethnic dimension to the concept, with all of the risks that this carries, ethnocentrism being the most obvious.  For Rancière however, the concept “people” is fundamentally ambiguous, always a “subject” in the making, constructed in the very heart of political struggle.  As such, there is nothing intrinsically radical or revolutionary in it, nothing that renders it “natural” in any way.  The difference here may in the end be semantic, but Rancière’s reading of the concept renders it much more politically fragile.

What both authors however share, for different reasons, is the idea that politics is impossible without a “people”.  And this may generate a further set of question: is not the insistence on the need for a “people” a perpetuation of the (illusory?) need for a revolutionary subject, for a sovereign agent of political change?  And if so, does it not carry with it all of the ambiguities and dangers of sovereignty?  Perhaps it is the very idea of government that must be challenged; a challenge that remains stillborn with the demand for a “people united”.

A debate to be continued … 

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Eduardo Viveiros de Castro: Landed natives against State and Capital

For me, indians are all of those large minorities who are, in some way, on the outside of this capitalist mega-machine, of consumption, of production, of 24 hour a day labour, seven days a week.  These planetary indians teach us to dispense with the giant machines of transcendence that are the State on the one hand, and the speculative system on the other, the market transformed into image. 

Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, Dialogues on the end of the world (El país 29/09/2014)

On the 30th of April, dozens of armed thugs, in the pay of landowners, attacked a community of native peoples, Gamelas, in the village of Bahias, in the municipality of Viana, Maranhão (MA).  With sticks, knives and guns, over a dozen were wounded with cuts, severed hands, and bullets.  The prize, as is so often in Brazil’s centuries long war against the country’s “indians”, is land. (Brasil de fato 02/05/2017)  And this latest violence is but one more episode in the narrative of usurpation, slavery, exploitation, and death that the Brazilian State, in all of its historical forms, has inflicted upon the many indigenous peoples of this country.  (For a recent study of State violence against natives peoples in Brazil, see the 2015 Report on Violence Against Indigenous People of CIMI, in Portuguese).

This history of violence is of course not only Brazil’s, as is not the resistance of native peoples to their forced dispossession (recent examples include Standing Rock, Idle No More and so many other native protests-movements throughout the Americas).  For the Brazilian anthropologist, Eduardo Viveiros de Castro, the resistance of the indigenous peoples of Brazil must be understood as a radical form of anti-capitalism and anti-statism, the kind of resistance that can serve as a model for all such movements.

We share below a text by Viveiros de Castro that reads this resistance historically and theoretically.  Originally presented as a conference on the 20th of April, 2016, in Rio de Janeiro (and published with raiz.org 26/07/2016), the text was again presented in public, this time in Lisbon, on the 5th of May of this year.

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Without cooperative self-employment no future is possible

From spain, comes a manifesto in defence of creating networks of autonomous, ecological, feminist, self-managed work and consumption as the only viable political alternative to the State and Capital.  A manifesto speaks for itself; it is an affirmation of presence which cannot be taxed for lack of subtly or detailed argumentation.  It is an interpolation.  And it is for those called to, to respond or not.

Originally published on the El Rincón de Martinico blog (21/04/2017), we share the text below in translation.  And we do so because it resonates with our own defence of occupations and the creation of autonomous networks of self-managed mutual aid.  Indeed, it compliments our most recent post by Inés Morales Bernardos that covers similar concerns in greece, as well as older and numerous posts on experiments that move in these directions in greece, italy and spain (e.g. La canica, Madrid).

Where we have doubts with regards to the manifesto is precisely where it affirms certainties: that the State and Capital can be simply hollowed out from within, so to speak, crumbling before its own inability to mobilise energy and resources, when such a scenario of passive destruction seems unimaginable; that the alternative is to be understood as a counter-power, when counter-powers often reproduce the power they contest; that what is necessary is an alternative economy, alternative networks of labour and consumption, when what may be necessary are social relations beyond any “economy”, or “labour” and “consumption”.

But then what is an anarchism that ignores material needs, desires, we might say, that ignores bodies?  This manifesto speaks to this also.

Our comments are doubts, doubts from which questions emerge.  Questions that anarchists must continue to work through in thought and action.

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Building new solidarities between movements: insurrectionary politics of food autonomy in the city of Athens

The question of rebellion/revolution is often posed in terms of the question, “what is to be done?” However, by so articulating any reflection-practice on radical political change, we are lead to consider revolution in terms of struggles between and for power.  For what the question forces us to consider is what is to be done against those who hold power unjustly and what is to be done after power is conquered by the revolution.  To so frame the matter though is to condemn all anti-capitalist politics to the logic of the very power that it seeks to destroy (with everything that this brings: presuppositions and demands of ideological consistency and purity, the need or desire for institutional, normative and legal compromise, the organisation of social life on the basis of law and obligation, and so on).  This is the reef upon which all revolutions have been broken, trapped by the siren calls of sovereignty and the conviction that freedom depends upon sovereign control.

But what if revolution were instead to be thought through the question, “how should we be or live?” Such a question creates an ethical (the ethical as a way of life, desired and loved) space within which one’s life can be divorced from power, a space within which autonomous forms of life can be structured independently of the destructive obsession for power.  In its place then emerges a politics of the concrete, a prefigurative politics that seeks to address needs and desires while simultaneously constructing a world of freedom. 

As regards autonomous or anarchist politics, it frees it from ideological neurosis and practical paralysis, which is to say, irrelevance.  It is not for the anarchist to organise the anarchist revolution exclusively with anarchists; it is not for the anarchist to struggle between the different types of anarchist thought and practice.  What is necessary is an understanding of oppression and the expansion and intensification of ways of being, forms of life, incompatible with it.

On one interpretation, the “occupy” movements that began with this century (I am thinking of Argentina, but precedents can be found further back in time) sought not to replace one power with another, but to destitute power altogether.    To quote from an older essay published with Autonomies:

“The multitudes in Tahrir, Sol, Syntagma, Taksim and elsewhere, withdrew from state authority not with the aim of making themselves into an opposing sovereignty, but to create forms of life beyond sovereignty. In these moments, the exception of the sovereign decision was suspended, identities already weakened were discarded and ways of being emerged that suppressed the divide between the disunited many and the constituted people. In the binding collective refusal of the anonymous many, a force without a name appeared, a paradoxical force born of weakness, the weakness of the politically non-existent who in retreating from sovereignty realise a form of politics in which the potential for permanent self-transformation is sustained at the heart collective self-creation.”

In continuity with this reading of recent political events and practice, we publish below an essay that was generously shared with us by its author, Inés Morales Bernardos, and that raises many of these same questions within the context of greece.  (The essay was originally published with open Democracy  07/04/2017)

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For May Day: C.S.O.A. Forte Prenestino in Rome

From a friend of Autonomies …

To celebrate the first of May inside a fort, a real historical fort with all the massive walls, heavy, imposing. To remember that there was once an attempt, here, on this piece of land, to secure, to defend, to fight. To be impressed by the size and the shape of this man-made creature, man-made and monstrous, with numerous dark tunnel-snakes wriggling through it, emerging with their heads into small courtyards and then unfold into larger open spaces, two on each side. To stand in the middle of these large courtyards, to look around at the massive walls and to look above at the sky that appears flat and vast, weighing down upon the fort but may be also taking you above it, beyond it. A fort that would protect you and imprison you for as large as it is, as beautifully monstrous as it is, the sky remains flat, tightly pressing down its walls.

The name for this fort is Forte Prenestino, and it is located, it lives in Rome. Years ago, many years ago, more than 30, it was conquered. Conquered by what one could call people, people who live in the city of Rome. By the time it was conquered it was already a soldier on pension, out of use, that is, abandoned, as so many buildings can be in this so beautifully monstrous city. And as the snakes change their skin so did the fort. For more than thirty years this fort was and still is autogestito, that is, self-organised. The tunnels and the walls are by now covered with paintings of all the possible bestiaries on earth, brief writings follow to express the mind, the spirit of this space. The fort changed its skin, but quite radically so, it became utterly porous, it stripped itself completely off its weapons exposing itself to the world in its complete nudity.  This is a fort that committed suicide. It is open to all, it welcomes everyone, it is anti-prohibitionist, it is feminist and queer, it has space for all ages, spaces to relax, to create, it has even a reggae forest… And on the first of May it celebrates the day of non-labour (understood as autogestione).

Going to Forte Prenestino on the first of May and seeing thousands and thousands of people who came here on that day is to ask the question ‘why are they all here?’; may be, for some, to defend this space as open to all, for others, to make some living by selling things, or to practice self-organising and the running of the fort, or simply to stay together, to eat, to have fun, and to dance. To see oceans of people dancing below and above, climbing up and down the hills flanking the sides of the fort is to also think ‘the people have conquered the fort’. The reasons why these people were here might be many, but the atmosphere was, even though over-crowded, friendly and relaxed, and it’s not what one finds today in the streets of Rome. A city can put people against each other, to fight in daily little wars, or it can bring them together, to talk, to be free and to make love. To enter into the mouth of the fort-dragon is to breath the fire of freedom and to write about it, even if in an idealized form as much of this writing follows from impressions of one singular day, the first of May.

Below is the translation of the history of Forte Prenestino from their website, followed by the text written for the first of May. 

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For May Day: Revolt is life

May Day, the “holiday” of the organised working class and shepherded celebratory memorial for all of those who struggled in the past for the benefits of labour today.  Yet after more than a hundred years of organised labour, “workers’ republics”, welfare statism, how much has been forgotten.  What militancy remains is restricted to a pseudo-inflammatory rhetoric reserved to labour union bureaucrats and of which all meaning has been lost … red flags blow in the wind, declarations of working class unity are repeated as if in refrain, the Internationale may even be sung here and there, along with chants repeated mechanically of the “people united will never be defeated!”  And we look around us at the defeated, hard pressed to count the victories of the “people”, of the many who were never included in the “social contracts” of welfarism (but whose exploitation made state welfare possible: women, the colonised, racial and ethnic “minorities”, etc.).  We are just waiting to see if we can still remember the number of Soviets tanks that once formerly paraded before the leadership of the first socialist republic.

A text by the french anarchist Joseph Albert, more commonly known as Albert Libertad, or simply Libertad, of 1905, already speaks of the corruption of the occasion …

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For May Day: The voices of the accused

What follows below is first a brief introduction to the history of May Day, authored by Eric Chase for the IWW.  

May Day has its origins in the struggle for the eight hour workday in the united states.   From the 1st May of 1886, a general strike in support of the demand begins, with Chicago as its epicenter.  In response to company violence against striking workers, a day of protest is called for at Haymarket Square that city for May the 4th.  The assembly is peaceful, but police intervene to break up the demonstration and a bomb is thrown as they advance.  In response, the police open fire indiscriminately. Some seven or eight civilians are killed, and about forty wounded.  Among the killed, a police officer (seven others would die in the weeks to follow).  Eight anarchists would be accused and convicted of murder in a fraudulent trial.  Four would be hung and a fifth would commit suicide.  And all would be pardoned before the end of the century.

We share also the statements made at the trial by eight accused anarchists.

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The economics and politics of the rojava revolution

From a distance, and in the absence of a knowledge of the local languages, news about the “rojava revolution” in nothern syria remains fragmentary and often contradictory.  While supportive of the movement, questions and doubts remain which we are unable to address.  (These doubts may seem problematic, almost obscene, to some, for whom the urgency of the situation demands unconditional support;  but no political movement, however seemingly close to anarchist “ideals”, can claim blind adherence).  At best, we continue to try to follow events and share what we hope will further the understanding of the revolution.

Below, we share an article originally published with the site Workers Solidarity Movement (26/09/2016) …

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Voices of a revolution: Portugal, 25 of April 1974, Música de intervenção

A people without song are perhaps not a “people”, or at least, they are not more than temporary aggregates of consumers of music.  But consumers do not make up a people and if it is in times of intense and passionate collective self-creation that a people find a voice, then the resistance to fascism in portugal and the revolution that erupted in the wake of the coup d’état of April 25th 1974 brought forward one of the most remarkable examples of “politically engaged” musical expression that the country has ever known.

Many were the musicians, poets, and artists who gave form to the experiences of migration, exile, clandestine resistance, imprisonment and torture, and then revolution, its hopes and deceptions.  At the heart of this movement was the figure of José Afonso.  But others would also mark the period, others for whom at this time the distinction between artist and political militant ceased to exist.

We share below, in translation, some of this music, a music which escaped the rigid borders of ideological purity and which captured, however briefly, the desire of creating a way of life without oppression.

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Ni dieu ni maitre: A history of anarchism

A documentary film by Tancrède Ramonet tells the story of anarchism from the Pierre-Joseph Proudhon’s What is Property? (1840) to the fall of Barcelona at the end of the spanish revolution/civil war (1939).  Whatever historical-political lacunae one may find in the documentary, the film remains excellent and is a rich source of images and commentary.  For the moment, the series is available online only in french, and for how long, it is impossible to know, as it may be pulled at any moment for violation of property rights …

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