With and beyond anti-fascism (1)

… to make use of the weapons created by fascism, which has been
allowed to use the fundamental aspirations of people for affective exultation
and fanaticism. But we affirm that the exaltation… must be
placed in the service… of a grandeur quite different from that of the
nationalists.

Georges Bataille, Counter-Attack: Union of the Struggle of Revolutionary Intellectuals

The tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the “emergency situation” in which we live is the rule. We must arrive at a concept of history which corresponds to this. Then it will become clear that the task before us is the introduction of a real state of emergency; and our position in the struggle against Fascism will thereby improve. Not the least reason that the latter has a chance is that its opponents, in the name of progress, greet it as a historical norm. – The astonishment that the things we are experiencing in the 20th century are “still” possible is by no means philosophical. It is not the beginning of knowledge, unless it would be the knowledge that the conception of history on which it rests is untenable.

Walter Benjamin, On the concept of history

Fascism was a desperate attempt to defend the bourgeois economy from the dual threat
of crisis and proletarian subversion, a state of siege in which capitalist society saved itself by giving itself an emergency dose of rationalization in the form of massive state intervention. But this rationalization is hampered by the extreme irrationality of its methods. Although fascism rallies to the defense of the main icons of a bourgeois ideology that has become conservative (family, private property, moral order, patriotism), while mobilizing the petty bourgeoisie and the unemployed workers who are panic-stricken by economic crisis or disillusioned by the socialist movement’s failure to bring about a revolution, it is not itself fundamentally ideological. It presents itself as what it is — a violent resurrection of myth calling for participation in a community defined by archaic pseudovalues: race, blood, leader. Fascism is a technologically equipped primitivism. Its factitious mythological rehashes are presented in the spectacular context of the most modern means of conditioning and illusion. It is thus a significant factor in the formation
of the modern spectacle, and its role in the destruction of the old working-class movement also makes it one of the founding forces of present-day society. But since it is also the most costly method of preserving the capitalist order, it has generally ended up being replaced by the major capitalist states, which represent stronger and more rational forms of that order.

Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle

When I see that young people are in the process of losing their old common values and absorbing the new models imposed by capitalism, running the risk of dehumanising themselves and being prey to an abominable aphasia, to a brutal absence of critical capacity, to a factious passivity, I remember that they were the characteristics of the S.S. – and I see spread over our cities the horrible shadow of the swastika.

Pier-Paolo Pasolini, Scritti corsari

How do we rid our speech and our acts, our hearts and our pleasures, of
fascism? How do we ferret out the fascism that is ingrained in our
behavior?

Michel Foucault, “Preface” to Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari

The first of a series of reflections on fascism and anti-fascism, for our somber times …

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Like a thief: Slavoj Žižek and the illusions of hope

Alex Colville, Horse and Train

To be contemporary is to respond to the appeal that the darkness of the epoch makes to us. In the expanding Universe, the space that separates us from the furthest galaxies is growing at such speed that the light of their stars could never reach us. To perceive, amidst the darkness, this light that tries to reach us but cannot – that is what it is to be contemporary. The present is the most difficult thing for us to live. Because an origin, I repeat, is not confined to the past: it is a whirlwind, in Benjamin’s very fine image, a chasm in the present. And we are drawn into this abyss. That is why the present is, par excellence, the thing that is left unlived. 

Giorgio Agamben (Verso Interview)

With political and theoretical differences aside (Leninism, reifications of History, etc.) we share, in translation, a short essay by Slavoj Žižek, originally published in Le nouveau magazine littéraire (Nº 1, January 2018).

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For Katarina Gogou

… we convalescents still need art, it is another kind of art – a mocking, light, fleeting, divinely untroubled, divinely artificial art that, like a bright flame, blazes
into an unclouded sky! Above all: an art for artists, only for artists!

Friedrich Nietzsche

I would like to spin a eulogy / of filth, of poverty, of drugs and suicide . . . drugs, disgust, rage

Pier Paolo Pasolini

Banks give birth to ‘robbers’.
Prisons to ‘terrorists’.
[…]
Products to the ‘need’.
Borders to armies.
All because of private property.
Violence is engendered by Violence.
[…]
Don’t ask. Don’t stop me.
It’s time to restore
the supreme act of moral justice.
Poeticize life and act on it.
[…]
For as long as it takes, from the beginning
I defend ANARCHISM

Katarina Gogou

Poetry is the gesture of language expressing itself as language, a medium which refuses itself as an end in itself (the aesthetic attitude), or as a means to a further end (the instrumentalisation of language) …  Mallarmé’s milieu pur.

Anarchism is politics as the gesture/exposure of the being-in-community of human beings, politics as a “showing”, a “revealing”, which cannot speak itself without becoming an end in-itself (fetishised insitutionalisation) or an end to a further (transcendental, non-political) end.  Anarchy refuses self-justification in constitutional forms (e.g., capitalist parliamentarianism) or in the making of a priori communitarian identities.  It is as gesture, as a permanent bringing forth and support of itself, an ethics.

Anarchism is politics as poetry, as pure gesture; an autonomous community’s way of life.

If Plato expelled the poets from the Republic, it was because poetry’s way of being defied all order.  The prohibition of poetry was the suppression of art’s an-arche, its refusal of any foundation or ground for the showing/coming into being of expression.

O clear intelligence, force beyond all measure! 295
O fate of man, working both good and evil!
When the laws are kept, how proudly his city stands!
When the laws are broken, what of his city then?
Never may the anarchic man find rest at my hearth,
Never be it said that my thoughts are his thoughts.

(Sophocles, Antigone, 295-330) 

The anarchist is poet, as the poet is anarchist, in their desire to live beyond Law.  

The poetry of Katarina Gogou gives a voice to this way of life …

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On popular power in venezuela: A statement by uruguayan anarchists

From the anarchist federation of uruguay (and posted, in english translation, by the black rose anarchist federation – 14/12/2017), reflections on popular power in venezuela’s “bolivarian revolution” …

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Scenes from the class struggle: Argentina

The popular defense of State controlled social welfare is not in itself anti-capitalist.  However, the State driven privatisation of social welfare, if placed within the context of broader forms of violent accumulation (e.g., land and resource dispossession, the imposition of salaried labour and forced migration, the marginalisation and subordination of women and of other social groups – which is to say the invention of these groups – for needs of the reproduction of oppressive social relations, and so on), reveals itself as a fundamental moment in the expansion and intensification of contemporary capitalist social relations.  To then disturb or sabotage the politics of “neo-liberal market expansion” is potentially radical, or radicalising, to the degree that it overflows the boundaries of a politics of merely preserving the Welfare State.

A radical defense of social welfare transforms what is essentially a defensive gesture into one which transforms what is at stake in the struggle: the aim becomes one of liberating social welfare from the State, of returning it to communities of people who are the best placed to care for themselves, and of understanding that such care is only possible within (overlapping human and non-human) communities capable of autonomously creating and governing themselves.

Argentina is once again a stage for violent capitalist experimentation; may the stakes be high …

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Catalonia after the storm: Tomás Ibáñez

El Roto

The debate among anarchists around the Catalan independence movement continues unabated.  From a distance, as always, it is difficult to follow events, to grasp all that is at stake, to draw reasonably clear conclusions.  It is however our conviction that the events are important (not only to understand what is going on, but also to understand the position of anarchists with regards to a mass movement of national self-determination) enough to justify our ongoing concern to present, in translation, some of the protagonists in this controversy.

We share below an essay by Tomás Ibáñez, published earlier this month, on the 1st of December, in response to an essay by Santiago López Petit, and which follows earlier interventions by him on the anarchists in the Catalan referendum.

We can only leave to more informed readers or participants in the events, the judgement of where the truth lies.

And we close with a brief note by Octavio Alberola, added here as a kind of coda to Ibáñez’s essay.

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Catalonia as a political laboratory: Santiago López Petit

The rebellion of Catalonia, falsely presented as a mere exercise in institutional and national self-determination, and its repression, demands reflection.  What was lived and continues to be lived, resonates well beyond judicial decisions, constitutional debates or future regional elections (scheduled for the 21st of December).  In a step towards greater understanding of what is at stake, we share a short essay, in translation, by Santiago López Petit, entitled Catalonia as political laboratory.  (Originally published in Crític – 27/11/2017 – and published again in spanish by comite disperso, and posted with a las barricadas).

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The shifting territories of the body

But what is a body? … For Spinoza, the individuality of a body is defined by the following: it’s when a certain composite or complex relation (I insist on that point, quite composite, very complex) of movement and rest is preserved through all the changes which affect the parts of the body. It’s the permanence of a relation of movement and rest through all the changes which affect all the parts, taken to infinity, of the body under consideration. You understand that a body is necessarily composite to infinity.

Gilles Deleuze, On Spinoza (Lecture)

It has become common place to speak of the politics of the body; less common is a politics that begins from the plurality and plasticity of the body.  By Paul B. Preciado (Liberation 10/11/2017) … 

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An anarchist primer

For those of us born into a captivity gilded by the blood and sweat of less fortunate captives, the challenge of leading a life worth living of stories worth telling is a lifelong project, and a formidable one; but all it takes, at any moment, to meet this challenge is to contest that captivity.

An Anarchist Primer

An anarchist manifesto against manifestos; an apology for anarchism that hurls anarchy against all “isms”; a manifesto as testimony of the experience of anarchy: the beauty of anarchy distilled into the words of a “primer … from the crimethinc. collective …

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The russian revolution of 1917: Carlos Taibo

We close our series – without for a moment suggesting that this is the last word – on the russian revolution of 1917 with an interview with Carlos Taibo, author of the recent work, in spanish, Anarquismo y revolución en Rusia (1917-1921).  Though the interview focuses on Taibo’s concern with calling attention to the role of anarchists and libertarians in the events of the russian revolution, it takes us beyond the past; the revolution remains a lens through which to think through our political present.

Originally published in Contexto y acción, we present the essay below in translation.

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