For Albert Woodfox (1947-2022)

Photo by Peter Puna

In my forties, I chose to take my pain and turn it into compassion, and not hate. Whenever I experienced pain of any origin I always made a promise to myself never to do anything that would cause someone else to suffer the pain I was feeling in that moment. I still had moments of bitterness and anger. But by then I had the wisdom to know that bitterness and anger are destructive. I was dedicated to building things, not tearing them down.

Albert Woodfox, Solitary: Unbroken by Four Decades in Solitary Confinement

Despite the important of antiracist social movements over the last half century, racism hides from view within institutional structures, and its most reliable refuge is the prison system.

Angela Y. Davis, Are Prisons Obsolete?

There is a power in the words of Albert Woodfox, when he speaks of his 44 years of solitary confinement at the Angola State Penitentiary of Louisiana, a power that is borne by the simplicity of his words, of a witness who presents not the facts as a third party to an event, but as someone who lived it, who is the event in the flesh. His every word, in his every thoughtful hesitation, his every gesture, speaks of his memories and of his faith that what he experienced need not be repeated. He requires no grand eloquence or baroque extravagance to speak, for his subject is injustice, the injustice of a criminal system that can falsely accuse a man of a crime because of his racial identity and political commitments, and condemn him to physical isolation for almost half a century.

Albert Woodfox’s crime was to have been an african american and a member of the Black Panther Party, and together with Robert King and Herman Wallace, they would become known as the “Angola 3”, and again, together, they would spend over 100 years in solitary.

On his release from prison in 2016, Woodfox dedicated himself to “standing as a witness”, to giving voice to those with whom he shared the nightmare of solitary confinement, and to those who still suffer it. (Robert King would do the same, while Herman Wallace died three days after his release from prison, in 2013).

Albert Woodfox died this last August 4th. In memory of this “elder”, we share below an interview with him for Scalawag Magazine (19/08/2019) and a video recorded interview at the Public Library of Toronto (02/04/2019). And we close with a documentary, Angola 3: Black Panthers and the Last Slave Plantation of 2006.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary, Interview, News blog | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Destituent power as living communism

“To destitute is not primarily to attack the institution, but to attack the need we have of it.” This statement, from the Invisible Committee’s text Now (2016), is at the heart of an essay by Spencer Beswick that we share below.

Reflecting on what he calls “living communism”, and working through the Invisible Committee’s reading of the german Autonomen of the 1980s as a revolutionary experiment in creating an “archipelago of communes”, a question does arise, however, from Beswick’s own conclusion, as we consider this experience, and other more recent experiences: if the Autonomen failed in creating sufficiently robust autonomous spaces, robust enough that is to keep the state’s policing forces at bay (and one could say the same of the current examples that he cites, for instance, the French ZADs), is it correct to see such spaces as instruments of resistance, of conflict, of war, against capitalism? The question may seem misplaced, but what it points to is an important distinction that can be made between being ungovernable and non-governable.

If cooperatives can be criticised for ultimately compromising with capitalist social relations, so too may squats and/or ZADS lose their “revolutionary” lustre (and we have examples of such throughout Europe and elsewhere). “Before the ungovernable, revolts, protests, civil disobedience, a government can respond in one of two ways. It may negotiate and perhaps consent to a change in politics. Or it may repress. In this sense, the ungovernable is what can be either understood or dominated.” The non-governable can, on the other hand, only be dominated, and not governed. As to what in practice distinguishes the two is not a given. “There is no clear frontier between disobedience and what is foreign to obedience.” The distinction is a moving and fragile one, for the non-governable exists only at the limit of the ungovernable. (Catherine Malabou, Au Voleur! Anarchisme et philosophie, 52-3) But that being so, it is equally very difficult, if not impossible, to identify movements and/or political practices that in fact block, secede from and destitute capitalist social relations.

What we do know, and this from experience, is the enormous importance that such “autonomous” spaces or communes can have in transmitting the “tradition of the oppressed”, of securing a minimal infrastructure for the reproduction of potentially anti-capitalist social relations, and of serving as fundamental points of passage in moments of (always unplanned) insurrection. They are, or at least can be, with no guarantee of permanence, means by which to transform our needs (we are tempted to say, spaces for the education of our desires) and thus, examples of destituent politics.

Destituent modes of life, however, are not the same as what Beswick calls, following the Invisible Committee, “bases of liberated territory from which to attack the state and capitalism”. As it is not clear to what extent we are dealing with “liberated” territory, so it is unclear what is to be attacked. If there is no more Bastille or Winter Palace to storm, are the targets so obvious? And if not, to strike out blindly at the enemy is politically ridiculous, if not simply mad. The repertoires of “violent” protest or insurrection may be exhausted, but are continually replayed because of motives that have little to do with any “revolution”.

This is not say that everything will move along peacefully, or that “self-defence” is to be excluded, but that it is impossible to predict or to plan for a general class war, whatever that may mean.

We may close with a sentence from Deleuze that Beswick also quotes: “Escape, but while escaping look for a weapon.”

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , , , , | Leave a comment

A portrait of Nestor Makhno

tradition is not to preserve the ashes but to pass on the flame

For our times of war, we share a portrait of the anarchist Nestor Makhno, by Alexander Berkman.

Nestor Makhno, The Man Who Saved the Bolsheviki: Personal Recollections

In the Tenon hospital at Paris there recently died a man poor and forsaken by almost every one of the millions that had once hailed him as liberator and hero. His name was Nestor Makhno. Great personalities are the cameos of life, standing out in bold relief on its canvas and giving us a clearer understanding of the social background. History itself often sculptures such significant figures that even the passage of time cannot obliterate. They personify the genius of their people, and their lives and deeds illuminate the past and cast a prophetic light on the future. Such a figure was Nestor Makhno. True child of a revolutionary epoch, his life and activities were imbued with the spirit of a dominating purpose, and it is more than probable that but for him and his insurgent army of Ukrainian peasants Soviet Russia might now be only a memory.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Urgent call for solidarity action: Giannis Michailidis

Urgent call for solidarity action: Anarchist prisoner Giannis Michailidis enters 68th day of hunger strike and is in a dire health condition

Freedom News, Jul 29th

Giannis Michailidis is an anarchist prisoner in Greece who has been on hunger strike since 23rd May. At the time of writing, he is on his 68th day without food and is in a serious condition in a hospital cell in Lamia in central Greece.

Michaildis was sentenced to 20 years in prison for bank robbery, of which he has served 8.5 years. Normally prisoners are eligible for release after serving 3/5 of their sentence, but Giannis has been refused parole on the grounds that he might commit further offences.

Solidarity

In Greece, comrades know full well the significance of a prisoner embarking on a hunger strike. And they know the meaning of solidarity, amplifying his fight by taking it onto the streets and pushing it into the general consciousness.

Since the start of his strike, thousands have marched through the streets, dropped banners, attacked government buildings, protested outside the court, occupied offices, and even forced the media to allow them to transmit a statement on TV.  Other anarchist prisoners in Greece have gone on hunger strike in solidarity, while abroad, actions have happened at Greek embassies and consulates (including in London) and more. Comrades in Greece have called for solidarity actions around the world against targets of the Greek state and capital.

Background

The neoliberal New Democracy government under prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has, from day one in office, waged a crusade against anarchists and other freedom fighters. It pushed the long-term revolutionary prisoner and hunger striker Dimitris Koufontinas to near death last year when it refused to meet his demand for transfer to a prison closer to his family and legal team and for an end to his tortuous conditions. He did not eat for 65 days.

The scion of a conservative political dynasty that has long waged war on anarchists, migrants, rebellious students, squatters, and other ‘undesirables’, Mitsotakis and his friends and family in power are pursuing a personal vendetta against anarchist and revolutionary prisoners.

The time is now

Time is quickly running out. The Greek state is murdering a young anarchist through sheer vindictiveness. They dragged out the latest decision on his release so his condition would deteriorate further at a critical stage. Meanwhile, the hollowness of its words are all too obvious when we compare the approach taken to recent high-profile cases.

Perhaps the starkest is the notorious case of the Epstein-like figure Dimitris Lignadis. A former director of the National Theatre and a mate of Prime Minister Mitsotakis, Lignadis was recently convicted of raping two children in 2015. He is now walking free after less than a year and a half in prison – having been originally sentenced to 12 years due to the widespread media coverage and public outrage. One rule for them….

Michailidis’ struggle is not just for his own freedom but for the total liberation of all. The time to be there for him is now.

Immediate freedom for Giannis Michailidis!
Until the destruction of the last cage!

Some writings by Michailidis:

Donate to the campaign for the release of Giannis Michailidis.

UPDATE 5.50pm: Giannis Michailidis has announced that he is suspending (but not terminating) his hunger strike.

Posted in News blog | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Errico Malatesta: Lessons for Anarchists Considering the Ukrainian War

We share below an article by Wayne Price reading the war in Ukraine through the work of Errico Malatesta, published in the last issue of Black Flag Anarchist Review and posted at the Anarchist Library website.

Malatesta on War and National Self-Determination: Lessons for Anarchists Considering the Ukrainian War

Introduction

There is a debate among anarchists in the U.S. and internationally about the proper approach to the Ukrainian war with the Russian state. Some (such as myself) express solidarity with the Ukrainian people against the invasion by the Russian Federation. (The “Ukrainian people” are mostly the working class, lower middle class, farmers, and the poor.) Others reject support for the Ukrainians. Ukraine, they point out, has a capitalist economy, has a state, is a nation, and gets aid from U.S. imperialism and its NATO allies (all of which is true).

Both sides have been known to cite the Italian anarchist, Errico Malatesta (1853-1932). He was a younger friend and comrade of Bakunin and Kropotkin, regarded as “founders” of anarchism. “Malatesta, whose sixty-year career is little known outside of Italy, stands with Michael Bakunin and Peter Kropotkin as one of the great revolutionaries of international anarchism.” (Pernicone 1993; p. 3)

Since the Russian military invaded Ukraine, I have engaged in many Internet debates with opponents of support for the Ukrainian people (not the state but the people). Some arguments have been with state socialists who are essentially on the side of the Russian invaders. Virtually no anarchists, however, have illusions in Putin’s Russia. (Nor do they have illusions in the benevolence of U.S. imperialism, unlike most liberals.) Yet many anarchists reject any support for the Ukrainian people, treating them as no better than the Russian invaders. (For my view, see Price 2022.)

A few writers have posted references to Malatesta’s opposition to World War I, claiming that this shows that a leading anarchist was opposed to “war” as such. During the First World War, most anarchists opposed both sides, but a minority supported the Allies. This minority included Kropotkin, the most respected anarchist thinker of his time! Malatesta wrote rebuttals to these pro-war anarchists. (See “Anarchists Have Forgotten Their Principles,” and “Pro- Government Anarchists,” in Malatesta 2014.)

He wrote, “[Anarchists] have always preached that the workers of all countries are brothers, and that the enemy—the ‘foreigner’—is the exploiter, whether born near us or in a far-off country…..We have always chosen our…companions-in-arms, as well as our enemies, because…of the position they occupy in the social struggle, and never for reasons of race or nationality. We have always fought against patriotism…and we were proud of being internationalists….Now…the most atrocious consequences of capitalist and State domination should indicate, even to the blind, that we were in the right….” (Malatesta 2014; p. 380)

But in the same work, he wrote, “I am not a ‘pacifist.’… The oppressed are always in a state of legitimate self- defense, and have always the right to attack the oppressors….There are wars that are necessary, holy wars, and these are wars of liberation, such as are generally ‘civil wars’—i.e., revolutions.” (same; p. 379)

In other words, all sides of a war among oppressors were to be opposed—such as the First World War between blocs of imperialist states (France-Britain- Russia-and later the U.S. vs. Germany-Austria- Turkey). But wars of the oppressed against oppressors were wars of liberation, to be supported. Nor did Malatesta limit this to class wars, such as revolutions by slaves, peasants, or modern workers. (This is sometimes expressed as “No War but Class War!”) He also included wars by oppressed nations.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , | 1 Comment

Reading war and anarchy with Sigmund Freud

Putin cock-a-doodle-doo by ZHUK. Photograph: Art Residency in Occupation (The Guardian 23/07/2022)

The reflection that follows is driven by our own ongoing effort to understand the crises of our time, which now include the war in Ukraine, as well as being inspired by a video interview with Catherine Malabou, which we share at the end of the post.

References to the work of Sigmund Freud may appear to some to be outmoded. It is not our conviction.

___

Caught in the whirlwind of these war times, without any real information or any perspective upon the great changes that have already occurred or are about to be enacted, lacking all premonition of the future, it is small wonder that we ourselves become confused as to the meaning of impressions which crowd in upon us or of the value of the judgments we are forming.

Sigmund Freud

These opening words of Sigmund Freud’s 1915 essay Reflections upon War and Death could be ours. The context has changed. His horror before the violence of WWI is not ours. Yet war, poverty, plague, famine, ecological collapse and a seemingly endless string of calamities haunt our horizons as well. And if Freud could speak of the disappointment of his contemporaries in the face of previously unfathomable destruction, a disappointment in the evident failures of progress and education, of civilisation itself, to keep the murderousness of war at bay, our jaded cynicism and trivialised narcissism also reveal fissures, at least before the onslaught of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

Of war and revolution: Ukraine

A Ukrainian soldier stands in the ruins of the Azovstal metalworks in Mariupol, Ukraine. Photograph: Dmytro Kozatsky

Why is our century worse than any other?

Is it that in the stupor of fear and grief

It has plunged its fingers in the blackest ulcer,

Yet cannot bring relief?

Anna Akhmatova, from Plantain (1919)

“The main enemy is at home!” The slogan is the title of a pamphlet of 1915 by Karl Liebknecht, written to condemn German imperialism. Italy’s engagement in WWI on the side of Britain, France and Russia, its abandonment of the Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria, is the context of the tract, and against the nationalism that fed war, Liebknecht calls for international working class struggle against all of the instigators of capitalist imperialism.

To then interpret this text, today, in the context of Russia’s war on Ukraine, as a call to oppose the armed resistance of Ukrainians against the invasion, verges on the foolish, or the grotesque.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

Melilla: Eichmann at the border

… it is terrible to inhabit and know a world where eyes are no longer able to give a look – I do not say of love, but even of curiosity or sympathy.

Pier Paolo Pasolini, Petrolio

Have the moral horrors of our societies become so entrenched and so removed by a media induced alienation – and more – that we can no longer feel outrage at the violence exercised at those whom we would consider “foreign”? And is our security-managed narcissism so great that potentially everyone other than our-selves is foreign and therefore a menace, and accordingly undeserving of moral consideration?

On Friday, the 25th of June, 27 people – at the moment of writing – of sub-Saharan origin died trying to cross the moroccan-spanish border at Melilla, a Spanish enclave on the Moroccan coast. Hundreds more were injured. (El Salto Diario – 26/05/2022)

The video images recorded at the site (by the Association Marocaine des Droits Humains – Section Nador), of Moroccan police beating and piling bodies upon bodies, defy the imagination. And yet what they capture occurred, without indignation, without any sense of tragedy, without remorse. Increasingly, we seem capable only of grieving for our own pathetic selves, torn as so many seem to be between success and wellness, or failure; absurd words used without understanding.

We share below an article by Sarah Babiker, published in El Salto Diario (25/06/2022), and a communiqué (in french) signed by La Plateforme des Associations et Communautés Subsahariennes au Maroc (P. ASCOMS), Caminando Fronteras, ATTAC CADTM Maroc, Association d’aide aux migrants en situation de vulnérabilité- Maroc (AMSV), AMDH/ L’Association Marocaine des Droits Humains.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary, News blog | Tagged , , , | Leave a comment

The Gezi Resistance, June 2013

Going back to Turkey and the Gezi Park insurrection, and keeping the memory of the latter alive, with the CrimethInc. collective (20/06/2022) …

Early on May 28, 2013, a bulldozer arrived in Gezi Park, at the center of Istanbul, and began uprooting trees. Thousands flocked to the park in response, clashing with the police and catalyzing a movement that spread around the country in defiance of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). Today, as Erdogan takes advantage of Turkey’s current leverage within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to plan another invasion of Syria, it is important to remember that he had to suppress powerful social movements in Turkey in order to cement control. Such social movements still represent our best hope for peace and social change—in Turkey, Syria, and all around the world.

The following text originally appeared in Rolling Thunder in early 2014. The author has added an introduction penned this week. For more on Turkey, you could start by reading about the background of Kurdish resistance or the roots of Turkish fascism.

Continue reading
Posted in Commentary | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Mutual aid in england

One of the simplest and profoundest teachings of anarchism is that it is only with the help of many, many others that one finds oneself.

Jesse S. Cohn, Anarchism and the Crisis of Representation

The debate around the “radical” nature or potential of mutual aid organising, cooperatives, communes, and the like, will persist for the simple reason that there can be no final theoretical or ideological answer to the question of whether “the revolution” should pass through such forms of self-organisation, instead of preparing for a generalised insurrection, for example. The question however is misplaced, and not only because the either/or in this instance is again largely ideological, but because conceptions of “radicalness” and “revolution” are themselves far from obvious.

We may argue over the “faith” that the author below suggests is a characteristic of anarchists, but then the disagreement will very likely be over questions of meaning and of the conditions for that faith.

From Freedom News, we share below a two part article by Warren Draper on mutual aid organising in England.

Continue reading
Posted in News blog | Tagged , , | 2 Comments