For May Day

Reflections on work and the limits of work centred anti-capitalism (from spain)

Like every May Day, the International Day of Working People is celebrated on a festive day that has its origin in a day of protest and homage to the Martyrs of Chicago, who were executed in the United States for participating in the days of struggle for the conquest of the eight-hour working day, which originated in the strike that began on May 1, 1886, and in the Haymarket Revolt.

This struggle had in its origins transformative motivations of the conditions of labor and social exploitation existing at the time, with clear proposals for the direction that the workers had to take and to be fully aware of the conditions of slavery imposed by the industrialized and capitalist state system,

In the current scenario, demands made since the legalisation of political parties and labour unions are far removed from the demands of the assembly movement and workers’ autonomy, “revolutionary times when the working class tended to self-organise on the basis of grass roots and council democracy, trying to go beyond mere economic or political demands. “

Where is the historical memory of the proletariat? Where is the rejection of labor and commodities, internationalism and the working class as regards pacts and bureaucracy, the destruction of state and capital, and the pragmatic pursuit of total liberation?

They are to be found in the parallelism between the legalisation of parties and trade unions and the decline of the labor movement and the dismantling of the social fabric of the community. Revealing the results, these organisations not only did not achieve a minimum of social conquests, but they became complicit and responsible before the population of the progressive and submissive role that they took in the prevailing system of domination: state, capital and labor.

The union and political bureaucracy dousee the existing fires of social demands, are an obstacle to advancement, their mega-structures far from facilitating social organisation and activism, nullify capabilities and forces, while slowing down and deactivating the transformative and revolutionary power of proposals and actions of the bases, delegating to them a passive role in welfare organisations and depoliticising them in relation to social reality.

Wage labor as the machinery of capitalist industrial exploitation, of inequalities, of territorial destruction, and the defense of the state as a regulating order, leads to the acceptance, with conviction, of the submission to forced labor for the miserable attainment of a wage, as a result of the systematic hijacking of total effort made by the removal of surplus value, obtained by the employer or businessman from the exploited. This is a direct consequence of the mad situation to which the population is exposed after the systematic, stigmatised and manipulated loss of the collective memory of autonomy, struggle and organisation; and the looting of common management resources.

Before the blow to social action that Spain has suffered since the Transition and the Covenants of Moncloa, there has been a loss of autonomy of social movements and a lack of orientation of the current movement and revolutionary positions at the level of discourse.

The traditional syndicalist perspective should include the notable and direct improvement of social and labor conditions, spaces and forms of workers’ organisation, reduction of working hours to the number of hours sufficient to achieve full employment and consequent wage improvements, a defence of territory or the local economy; not the inter-mediation or defence with the reformist spirit of the capitalist system and its vassals, the acceptance of the trap and the democratic game as a living post-Francoist presence or the acceptance of the parliamentary monarchy of a liberal state, sold to the interests of banks and the market.

Although we believe that this trajectory is the closest to syndicalist origins, we no longer consider that they are sufficient to the requirements for emancipation and proletarian social liberation.

If other economic systems have fallen due to social conditions, we are not in a better position to maintain the structure than at other times, when we were forced to work to keep our lives in the greatest precarious condition.

We do not want any more reforms or subsidies, we do not want assistance or representation, we do not want to delegate our participation and political attitude to others far from our own realities and needs, we do not want to work to support this system, nor to be remunerated again by the expropriation of our freedom and the kidnapping of our time. We do not want them to annihilate our last ability to respond in a dignified manner to the illegitimate condition of servants and slaves of money and norms.

We want the transformation of the current state of things. The destruction of capitalism as an economic and relations system. Against the banks and commodity corporations. The destruction of the state and its bureaucratic institutions, through which it monopolises the use of force and violence, and legitimises inequalities.

Against the advance of progress and the industrialization of all productive activity, services and daily life. Against technoscience and its domination.

We stand in solidarity with all forms of rebellion against the established, because we consider that in the quest for freedom from a world of slavery, there is not only one way, and in learning through practice, we can always redefine the strategy of the foundations “of a world in ruins and to be built “.

We are committed to creating collectives, networks and affinity groups, and horizontal projects that have an anti-capitalist and autonomous significance. By the practice of direct action and civil disobedience as daily methods of transformation and means, to the end in itself. By the squatting of spaces, the return to communities and collectivisation. For the economy of subsistence without harm. For the search for freedom and equality starting with the defence of territories.

“We are aware of the moral shock that can signify speaking against and abolishing work in a world organised around it, where who has it, even under the most miserable conditions, will defend it tooth and nail and who does not have it will cry out to be explored, because it is their constitutional right to be exploited.”

We want the autonomy of our lives, and the self-management of our time.

By the fire of the assemblies “where, although nothing is certain, everything becomes possible”.



Extremadura, May 1, 2019

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